I've been thinking about this article, and have now read the full CSIS report. Eliot and Phillips make some important points about expertise. But the idea that the experts botched this at the beginning seems to me to be some unduly harsh revisionism. /1
The basic issue seems to be: Why did so many analysts overestimate RU and underestimate UKR? And the answer seems to be something like: Because they're intellectually ossified and they did stuff like count tanks instead of thinking more about social and political factors. /2
I'm not sure that's fair, but in any case, it was only the reasonable bet to assume that Russia would be more competent. It was also, for UKR, the worst-case scenario - which most analysts are paid to think through and focus on.
Experts do not, and should not, wishcast. /3
Put another way, experts don't dismiss everything they've ever learned and then say: "But because I hope for it, the least-likely thing will happen and I will advise based on that."
Yes, sometimes you knock out a Drago. Usually, however, you don't. Just ask Apollo Creed. /4
It would have been irresponsible to predict that the Russians would act like morons and ignore their own training and doctrine. And yet, that happened - but no one should have bet on it.
And it might not have gone that way. But the CSIS paper just waves away such objections. /5
Indeed, the CSIS paper dismisses such objections as mere rationalizations, including contingency. (Hostomel and other events, it argues, didn't really matter. That's a stunning assertion. If a few things had gone right for RU, we likely wouldn't be having this discussion.) /6
In that vein, the paper argues that analysts should have known UKR would effectively resist and fight well. That, too, would have been borderline wishcasting. But yes, UKR had improved more, and RU had improved less, than it seemed over the course of the past 10 years. /7
Ironically, there's an air of inevitability in the report of the kind the authors deplore from the early pessimists: Of course this was going to happen, of course everyone should have known, of course they got it wrong - because military analysis is all screwed up.
/8
But the belief in inevitability is also a sin of intellectual arrogance and short-sightedness - as is examining the deep factors of victory or defeat in a war that isn't over yet.
/9
Indeed, one of the things they still teach at the Naval War College is counterfactual history - which this report oddly dismisses - precisely to avoid this very same sense of inevitability and to remind us that most wars are not obvious wins or losses in their opening acts. /10
I'm all for including more generalists and more uncertainty in expert debates - I say so in my book on, uh, experts, which also, like CSIS, cites Tetlock's studies. But the CSIS report imo replicates some of the same missteps it accuses other analysts of making. /11
One relatively ignored issue is whether most experts revised their views. (They did.) Another is that the optimists - as opposed to those terrible expert pessimists - also got things wrong, including their predictions about the summer offensive a year ago. /12
I suspect the authors are - rightly -frustrated that worries about UKR resilience and fears about escalation hamstrung the Western response, and now are too firmly planted in a Biden WH that is now just stuck in a loop on those early appraisals. That's a legit argument. /13
But while saying that "experts who predicted a quick UKR collapse was wrong" is obviously correct, saying they're wrong because their field is inherently messed up is not correct. That's like saying everyone who tells you not to hit a 16 against a 6 in blackjack is dumb. /14
I leave a more detailed analysis of the CSIS report to others. And experts should hold each other accountable. I agree with the authors, for example, that "Putin is a strategic genius" is ridiculous, yet still seems embedded in many Western minds that should know better. /15
But this Michael Gove-like "enough of the experts" is the wrong way to approach this, imo. And it's just too soon for this kind of after-action analysis and criticism - especially in a war that's still going on. /16x
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Okay, think about this "fact-checking" mania so many of you have for the debates: That's not how the public scores debates.
Look, when Reagan said "there you go again," he wasn't fact-checking Carter. He was emphasizing to the public: Aren't we tired of this guy?
/1
When Bentsen skewered Quayle with "You're no JFK," was it a fact-check, or was it: Get a load of this guy, thinking he's JFK.
When Clinton stood up between Perot and Bush in 1992, he wasn't fact checking. He was saying: I am the only guy here who gets you.
/2
All Harris and Walz have to do is go out there and talk to Americans like normal people. That's the debate. NO ONE CARES ABOUT FACT-CHECKS.
/3
I like to think @stephenfhayes and @JonahDispatch and @SarahLongwell25 and I all come from the same church but different pews. But I admit that I am over on Sarah's side of the aisle about what it means to be Never Trump: It means not only criticizing him, but stopping him. /1
I get Steve and Jonah's frustration that some conservatives seem born-again liberals. I don't think that's me (or Sarah), but until Trump is gone, many Never Trumpers (including me!) think policy differences just don't matter. That drives other conservatives nuts. I get that. /2
And in joining a coalition, many of us have also found new common ground with Democrats. (Example: The GOP has horrifically abandoned American national security. The Dems have not. If that's "fluffing" for Harris or the Dems, fine, but it's true.) We can be happy about that. /3
Here's a little Cold War nostalgia for you that relates to today. Back in 1983, Sam Huntington published an article in which he argued that one way to deter the Soviets from invading Western Europe was to threaten counter-invasions of Eastern Europe.
The idea was they invade West Germany, we do airdrops into the GDR and CZ. A lot of folks thought he was nuts, and it was a pretty off-the-wall idea, especially NATO didn't have a lot of ability to pull that off. Here's an article about it:
I was studying with Huntington at the time, and I think he was aiming at NATO guys whose only answer to a Soviet invasion was Armageddon. I also think he was trying to rattle the Soviets and piss them off. (It worked: They noticed.) /3
I'm gonna say that I am surprised (and gladly so) by how fast the Democrats coalesced around Harris. First time in a while I've really gotten the sense that they know what the stakes are that maybe disbanding the circular firing squad is a good idea. VP was the obvious choice. /1
Many of you asked me WELL WHO DO YOU WANT, TOM in that "we dare you to name a name" way. I didn't say Harris or anyone else. All of them had risks, and I didn't want a pile-on, especially on a candidate who becomes "the one you Never Trumpers" want, and esp before Biden quit. /2
But duh, if the President decides not to run the VP is the obvious choice unless someone in the party can make the strong case that she isn't. No one has. Instead, the Dems seem to be rallying around a pick as good as any they have. QED /3
Before I head downstairs for some late-night TV, I am going to do something I’ve never done:
To see if I can get through to some of you, I AM GOING TO USE A SPORTSBALL ANALOGY!
/1
Bottom of the 9th, Team Democracy tied with Team Autocrat. Biden’s been pitching a great game, but he’s getting tired. Facing their top hitter, he goes for his fastball.
He unloads a wild pitch into the stands, hitting a fan in the head. Crowd hushes. Opposing team grins.
/2
The Coach – concerned Dems – comes out to the mound.
"You okay?"
"Fine. Insulted you’d ask. Watch this next pitch."
Biden puts one in the dirt.
The Coach watches the catcher scrambling and then at the guy in the stands rubbing his sore noggin.
I agree that there is a double-standard in covering Trump. I have complained about it a lot. (The way I complain about everything: At length.) But maybe many of you should consider what you were saying about Trump coverage back at the start.
"Stop covering him!"
/1
I was one of the people arguing for saturating the airwaves with him so people could see his emotional instability. "Shut up," many of you yelled. "You're giving him oxygen!" When he was POTUS, I opposed kicking him off Twitter, which made some of you go nuts.
/2
And this isn't because it was good coverage; you wanted him cast into silence, which I opposed. This got so intense that I wrote this piece in USA Today to pushback on the calls to stop tweeting his press conferences: