Esfandyar Batmanghelidj Profile picture
Oct 1 23 tweets 4 min read Read on X
1. Coming events may prove me wrong, but I continue to believe that Iran seeks to avoid a war with Israel.

Israel may now have the pretext to take the fight to Iran, but if Iran considered a war inevitable, tonight's attack would have looked very different.
2. Tonight's attack was not what the opening salvo of a war looks like.

It was less telegraphed than the April attack than I expected and used more advanced missiles, but the strike came only from Iran and was limited in scope, a point Iranian officials are now emphasizing.
3. There has been no declaration of war, no messages to begin mobilizing Iranian society for war, and no sign that further attacks are imminent.

Compared to April, we are one rung higher on the escalation ladder, but no more.
4. It seems unlikely that Nasrallah's death is the event that will lead Khamenei to suddenly abandon his long preferred doctrine of "strategic patience" and to move headlong into a direct confrontation with Israel.

Time and again he has shown himself to be highly risk averse.
5. For Khamenei to see war as unavoidable, it would require a decisive offensive action by Israel.

I'll point to a text recently published on Khamenei's website on the lessons of the Iran-Iraq War. If there's any zeal for war, it centers on the righteousness of self-defense. Image
6. But questions of resolve aside, Iranian leaders understand that they are in a weak position.

Israel, acting boldly and somewhat unpredictably, has total escalation dominance.

Iran can lob more ballistic missiles at Israel, but that's about it.
7. Iran has no means to move its manpower to take the fight to Israel.

Its drones and missiles can cause damage, but its defense industrial base won't be able to keep up with the demands of a protracted conflict.

Its Resistance Front allies are already on the back foot.
8. Even without the US backing it, Israel can overwhelm Iranian air defense, hit military facilities, and target civilian infrastructure.

Most importantly, Israel has nuclear weapons.

Bibi is happy committing genocide in Gaza. I wouldn't put it past him to use a nuke on Iran.
9. So why would Iran risk giving Israel a new casus belli with tonight's strike?

Iran will be banking that, like in April, the US will be able to constrain Israel, largely by making it clear that Israel won't have US support for a full-blown offensive war on Iran.
10. Iran will also be hoping that the prospect of a missile war will create domestic pressure that could constrain Netanyahu.

I don't see this strike being fundamentally about deterrence. The approach didn't really work in April. It won't work now.
11. Instead the strike is about injecting urgency in the US, regional countries, and domestic stakeholders in Israel to constrain Netanyahu and force him off the warpath.

It's the kind of gamble a risk averse actor must make.

If Iran can't deter Bibi, others can constrain him.
12. Of course, the gambit might fail.

It sounds like Israel is going to strike back, taking the initiative after Iran opted for another limited response, and after Biden has apparently consented to Netanyahu widening his war, at least in Lebanon.
13. So let's say Israel does strike back at Iran, is that going to be the opening salvo of the war?

Even then, it seems to me Iran can decide to absorb a larger Israeli strike.

This is because Iran can still pursue a nuclear deterrent as a way out of its strategic dilemma.
14. The question is whether Iran thinks an Israeli strike on its nuclear facilities is inevitable, even if a war is not.

If that is the case, it should be moving towards weaponizing its nuclear program now and preparing its facilities for the possibility of such a strike.
15. There is a scenario where Israel strikes major Iranian infrastructure, including the nuclear facilities, but where Iran doesn't respond by entering a war.

Instead, the Israeli strike becomes the impetus to finally build and test a nuclear weapon.
16. A major reason Iran has not tried to build a nuclear weapon is that it was in a sense deterred from doing so by the possibility of a devastating and humiliating Israeli or American strike on its nuclear facilities.

Iran would also face costs for becoming a nuclear power.
17. But so many of the costs are now baked in.

Israel is threatening to strike Iranian nuclear facilities even when Iran has yet to make a decision to weaponize and when Iran is transparently trying to avoid war.

Iran may now be resigned to absorbing such an attack.
18. The crucial point is that an Israeli airstrike on Iran's underground nuclear facilities, if conducted without US support, may very well fail.

It would setback Iran's program, but will probably still leave Iran in a position to reconstitute and pursue weaponization.
19. I just don't see the US joining Israel in major strikes on Iran in response to tonight's attack.

That's why the US will advise Israel against going for major strikes alone, especially on nuclear facilities, precisely because they could fail and spur Iran to weaponize.
20. So if Iran wants to avoid war with Israel, it still has the means to do so.

It will hope that Israel's retaliation is limited because of constraints put on Israel by other actors, who are gaming out these scenarios.
21. If Israel's response is substantial, Iran can still choose to absorb the attack, avoiding the trap of a war it can't win.

Even if the attack targets nuclear facilities, it may fail, and Iran can pursue a nuclear deterrent as the last best chance to prevent a full-blown war.
22. Overall, it seems more likely to me that we get an Iranian nuclear weapon than a full Israel-Iran war.
23. The great tragedy is that these are the potential outcomes now facing the region.

It is even more tragic that both outcomes seem more likely than a ceasefire.

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More from @yarbatman

Aug 30
1. The Biden admin wants to "responsibly manage" the rivalry with China. But it's relying upon coercive policies like sanctions and export controls that are inherently unmanageable. US officials are also framing policies in ways that drive escalation.

We're on a worrying path. Image
2. Typically, the US has used coercive tools like sanctions and export controls to deny economic opportunities and impose economic pain on target countries in response to some "malign behavior"—nuclear proliferation, terrorist financing, human rights abuses etc.
3. The aim is to create tradeoffs that provide a basis for diplomatic negotiations. If the targeted country ceases engaging in the problematic behavior, the sanctions and export controls will be lifted.

The targeted country knows it can make concessions for economic relief.
Read 14 tweets
Jul 31
1. The Haniyeh assassination is unlikely to drag Iran into a wider war. Iranians leaders understand that Israel is achieving tactical wins in the midst of a strategic defeat.

Israel is making rash and escalatory moves because it is increasingly isolated, divided, and weak. Image
2. The spate of Israeli attacks and assassinations may be humiliating, but Iran has repeatedly calibrated its responses to these provocations, avoiding a wider war.

In the weeks after October 7, this was because of Iran's own reluctance to bear the costs of a larger conflict.
3. But now, Iranian leaders have come to understand that Netanyahu and other senior leaders in Israel are seeking a way out from the strategic defeat they face.

Their only path to victory is a wider war. @glcarlstrom makes an important observation here:
Read 7 tweets
Jul 10
1. I learned today that the mountains of South Tyrol are dotted with "Venetian sawmills," which were set up in the 16th century to fuel the insatiable lumber demand of Venice, more than 150km away.

Learning about the sawmills totally changed the way I see Venice. Image
2. No city has depended on wood more than Venice.

Karl Appuhn wrote a book explaining how Venice's extensive use of lumber to build foundations, wharfs, warehouses, and boats, forced the rulers of "La Serenissima" to get serious about forest management. Image
3. I knew that Venice and its buildings were built on timber piles driven into the bottom of the lagoon, but I never really thought about the massive industrial infrastructure that was necessary to supply millions of mature trees to Venice over the course of centuries.
Image
Image
Read 11 tweets
May 22
1. Once again, a state funeral in Iran has led to a debate about how much political support the Islamic Republic enjoys.

Here's the thing...

Participation in collective mourning is a deeply embedded cultural custom in Iran.

It's not an *inherently* political act. Image
2. The motivation to participate in a funeral, whether for Soleimani or Raisi, is far less about the individual that has died and far more about the shared social custom.

Authorities take advantage of this cultural impulse and imbue state funerals with political iconography.
3. It's worth recalling the crowds that came out for Rafsanjani's funeral in 2017.

Did all those people take to the streets to express their political loyalty to a president whose second term ended way back in 1997?

Or were subtler cultural motivations at play? Image
Read 10 tweets
May 21
1. Sanctions have had a very significant negative effect on aviation safety in Iran.

But the idea that they contributed to the recent crash and the deaths of Raisi and Abdollahian makes little sense.

Recent reports by FT, NYT, and others taking that line miss some key details. Image
2. Old aircraft are not *necessarily* unsafe. The helicopter carrying Raisi was built in 1994.

Until a few years ago, the fleet of Marine Helicopter Squadron One, which transports the US president, included old Sikorsky VH-3Ds, including one from late 1970s. Image
3. The maintenance and refurbishment of the aircraft are what really matter.

Here, sanctions may have had an impact by making it more difficult for Iran to procure parts for the Bell 212, which is an American-made helicopter.
Read 16 tweets
May 13
1. Russia and Iran have adopted "war economies" in response to sanctions. But the aims differ.

In Iran, the aim is to boost the military by allowing it to expand its economic activities.

In Russia, the aim is to boost the economy by smartly leveraging military spending. Image
2. Iran has faced tougher sanctions and a more acute security dilemma.

In turn, Iranian leaders were eager to give the military (namely the IRGC) a larger piece of a shrinking pie, sustaining military spending and enabling rentierism while otherwise embracing fiscal austerity.
3. Iran's military has been the great winner in the distributional conflict that began when sanctions thrust the country into a period of economic malaise.

To win the battle over resources, the IRGC became more politically active and began to take charge of Iran's technocracy.
Read 8 tweets

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