Tony Blair used to whine that he never really compared the Scottish Parliament to an “English Parish Council”, it was only the nasty Scottish press who twisted his remarks! In fact, he did so compare. (1/5)
Similarly, there is little point in John Swinney complaining that his attendance at the grandly titled Council of the Nations and Regions doesn’t carry a perception of a regional status for the nation of Scotland - it does deliver that status. (2/5)
Of course the First Minister has the right to insist on bilateral JMC meetings with the Prime Minister. I am not sure in which world that correct business approach includes a convivial group selfie with the political opponent who is freezing Scots pensioners. (3/5)
If John or his advisers had read Gordon Brown’s original proposal for this Council, then they would have realised that this wasn’t some ad hoc reset meeting, but part of a plan to pull any independence teeth from devolution. (4/5)
It is designed to diminish the status of our Parliament and the First Minister. Part of becoming independent is about thinking independently, not subserviently. John should have politely declined the meeting with the words “Scotland is a country not a county”. (5/5)
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For any independence supporter to trust a single word the BBC, or associated organisation, say is one of the great mistakes in life. The BBC’s venomous and institutional bias against Scottish independence was demonstrated during the referendum and remains to this day (1/8)
And so when I was invited to take part in a “blue chip” history of the rise of the SNP by Firecrest Films for the BBC, I should have smelled a rat immediately, instead of believing the assurances that they willingly gave, that they were intent on making serious programming (2/8)
The first episode, starting 1987 offered some hope, but the urge to portray history as a psycho drama between me and Nicola Sturgeon meant that major figures such as Winnie Ewing, Jim Sillars, Alex Neil, and Margo MacDonald were written out to allow others to be written in (3/8)
🧵Great to complete my round of campaigning with 19 fine @AlbaParty candidates across the country with @Jim4Indy in Rutherglen and @Corri_Wilson in sunny, but windy, Ayr! (1/6)
I watched John Swinney on BBC this morning with Martin Geissler and I know him very well. My conclusion is that he’s already mentally accepted that he won’t have a mandate for anything after Thursday, which is why he tracks back to the 2021 Scottish election mandate (2/6)
That’s not the SNP’s strongest suit since they did nothing with it. For John, this current election is now about political positioning following defeat. He’s preparing to make an “I told you so” message on austerity, as the SNP’s central approach to the next Holyrood poll (3/6)
Scotland’s “independent” prosecution service (COPFS) demonstrates how to engage in goalpost shifting but end up hole digging. (1/4)
At lunchtime today, COPFS, which claims not to “provide details of investigations”, were quoted in the Daily Record, the recipient of a criminal leak, “exclusively” that “COPFS hasn’t received a report”. (2/4)
After being flatly contradicted by the Police, who confirm they submitted reports before and after New Year, COPFS now say “No SPR (standard prosecution report) was submitted for this investigation”. (3/4)
The resilience of independence support is remarkable and will come as a crushing disappointment to the mainstream media. However, the leadership has to be as confident in the case as the people. (1/4) scotgoespop.blogspot.com/2023/03/exclus…
There can be few parallels in history where a plurality of the voters, and the overwhelming majority of the independence supporters, believe a clearly stated election result represents a valid mandate for independence, but 2 out of 3 candidates for First Minister hesitate. (2/4)
In the absence of any realistic prospect of a referendum, every single national election should seek a mandate for independence and every independence party worthy of the name would have that as Point One in their manifesto. (3/4)
Unionists should beware in their glee as the lesson of history is that you can postpone democracy but you cannot deny it. (1/5)
The Scottish Government now has the responsibility to find a way forward. They have led the national movement down a complete blind alley to the Supreme Court which astonishingly has gone as far as rejecting Scotland’s right of self determination. (2/5)
That’s what happens when you go to the wrong court with the wrong question. (3/5)
The SNP written submission to the Supreme Court cites a parliamentary exchange between Donald Dewar and myself, upholding the sovereign rights of the Scottish people, on the introduction of the Scotland Bill White Paper on the 24th July 1997. (1/15)
It would have strengthened the case on intent if their legal team had asked me about it, since the question and answer was not a throwaway parliamentary line but pre-arranged with the then Secretary of State for Scotland. (2/15)
Donald’s aim was to secure SNP support for the Yes/Yes campaign of 1997. Mine was to secure the commitment that Scotland’s right to self-determination wasn’t restricted by the legislation. Dewar was a convinced devolutionist but in 1989 had signed the modern Claim of Right (3/15)