In 1966, Richard Cloward & Frances Fox Piven published an article in The Nation magazine outlining a strategy to force the US government to create a basic universal income by overwhelming the welfare system.
They argued that forcing more people onto the welfare rolls would create such massive bureaucratic disruption and strain on local & state budgets that a national solution would be inevitable.
They believed this strategy was more likely to succeed than previous efforts to mobilize the poor because it offered immediate economic benefits and did not require mass participation.
They suggested this strategy could also help build political power in the ghetto by delivering millions of dollars to the masses, which could translate into political support for those who helped them.
This strategy was the perfect wedge to help catalyze what Herbert Marcuse would later call the "Great Refusal" of the established order. Marcuse envisioned a total rejection of America's morality, culture, and Constitution.
Both Marcuse and Cloward & Piven recognized that the working-class was stabalized by advanced capitalist societies. Marcuse observed that the working class had become integrated into the system, adopting its values and resisting radical and revolutionary change.
Cloward & Piven argued that their strategy could overcome the inertia of traditional movements by offering tangible economic rewards; a catalyst for a revolution that would start at the bottom and eventually break everything, including the counter-revolutionary working class.
Marcuse described the "biological need for socialism" as a "new sensibility" to emerge among anyone who had a grievance with the status-quo.
He suggested that this "new sensibility" had the potential to catalyze broader social change, even if it originated in minority groups, or "ghetto populations," as he called them.
The Cloward-Piven strategy, by directly benefiting and empowering "ghetto populations," could contribute to the development of this "new sensibility."
The promise of guaranteed "free money" could spark a sense of solidarity and radical consciousness - a "biological need for socialism" - potentially leading to a tangible revolution.
All of this is to say that communists and their allies have been trying to overwhelm the system by intentionally breaking things for a very long time.
The strategy is simple: overwhelm systems and break them. "Immiserate the workers" so they will demand socialism.
Make people poor and miserable by intentionally breaking things. Then, those people will be more susceptible to giving up their Constitutionally protected rights for what they think is going to be a miracle cure.
It's never a miracle cure. It's always more poison.
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Critical Constructivism argues that knowledge is constructed by those in power. In this frame, if Jews are seen as the dominant power group, a critical constructivist epistemology would argue that modern knowledge and cultural narratives are constructed to serve their interests.
Through this lens, one might question the liberal values of secularism, human rights, and democracy as constructs designed by those in power to maintain control. Liberalism, under *critical* scrutiny, is revealed as a system that ultimately steers society toward communism.
A critical constructivist reading would argue that the prevailing liberal ideology—emphasizing individualism, equality, and pluralism—has been constructed to undermine traditional religious values, particularly Christianity, which the elites see as a threat to their power.
Revolutionary critical pedagogy seeks to create critically minded (marxist) citizens who can challenge (disrupt) and change (dismantle) capitalist societies. It pushes back against neoliberal education that prioritizes the market and consumerism.
This pedagogy sees education as a political act and pushes educators to prioritize the voices of the oppressed. It encourages solidarity with those struggling against various forms of injustice, as defined by the marxists.
For instance: a Critical Pedagogy of Sustainability
I want to discuss a paper this morning, one that helped me understand the merger of Critical Theory with Postmodernism.
Peter McLaren's "Critical Pedagogy and the Postmodern Challenge" (89')
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The paper's central argument was this:
We live in the wake of Postmodernism. PoMo argues that grand narratives (big stories about progress/history) are broken. Meaning is slippery, identity fluid, and everything fragmented. This creates unique challenges for fighting oppression.
Critical pedagogy, based on Paulo Freire's theory and methods, must adapt to this new reality - this postmodern challenge. Instead of relying on old narratives, it needs to help students understand and challenge systems of power in a world where everything feels uncertain.
This is a great question that others may find helpful.
Firstly, if you're going to adopt this approach, you should consider whether the facilitator is a person who is just vomiting info from some whack certification they earned or a person who does DEI professionally.
This approach only works on the professional grifters. The poor people facilitating something mandatory because they're forced to won't have answers to these questions, and, for many reasons, the approach likely won't work.
Ok, sample questions. Sincerity is key, and follow-up questions are the only play on the board. Just keep asking questions.
The facilitator is not your audience. The audience is your audience. The goal is to get the facilitator to simply answer questions truthfully.
People often stumble when trying to wrap their heads around what a cult is. Cults are defined more by what they DO than what they BELIEVE.
Understanding this distinction is crucial.
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Cults are fundamentally more about their actions and the methods they use to enforce their beliefs than the beliefs themselves. It's the practices, the strict adherence to doctrine, and the enforcement mechanisms that set them apart from weird or whacky groups and communities.
We live in a world full of weird and wacky ideas. People believe in all sorts of things. But merely holding unusual or fringe beliefs doesn't necessarily make a group a cult.