Why the Stakes in this Election Are So Enormously High
Democracy itself is on the ballot. If Trump wins, the extreme Right will be in a much better position than ever before to abolish it.
Some thoughts from my new piece - while we all nervously wait (link in bio):
🧵1/
Consider this my closing argument: As of right now, only one of the two major parties in the United States, the Democratic Party, for all its many flaws, is a (small-d) democratic party. The other one is firmly in the hands of a radicalizing ethno-nationalist movement. 2/
The fault lines in the struggle over whether or not the democratic experiment should be continued map exactly onto the fault lines of the struggle between the two parties. Democracy is now a partisan issue. Therefore, in every election, democracy itself is on the ballot. 3/
In a stable democracy, the stakes shouldn’t be that high. Elections should be competitions between political factions that accept the legitimacy of their opponents and are committed to upholding the democratic system. In America, that’s evidently not the case. 4/
This whole notion that as long as you have elections, you have democracy, reveals an incredibly naïve understanding of politics. Democracy is not just a bunch of formal procedures, it does not just mean elections. It comes with substantive commitments. 5/
The fact that we can’t just complacently rely on elections to always produce outcomes that sustain democracy is the reason why we create rules and institutions tasked with upholding and fostering a democratic political culture and defending constitutional self-government. 6/
We are here because of a system-wide failure to hold Trump accountable and mount an effective defense against the onslaught of authoritarian minority rule. And so, we are left with an election as the desperate last stand of a democracy under siege. 7/
If the leader of a fascistic movement can attempt a coup and incite a violent insurrection only to return to power four years later, without ever facing real consequences and while explicitly promising to establish a vindictive autocracy, democracy will not persist. 8/
The idea that a second Trump presidency would basically just be more of the same, a kind of rerun of the first, is diagnostically not plausible at all, and it is politically dangerous. Both Trump himself and the rightwing forces around him have drastically radicalized. 9/
And a second Trump presidency would be working with a fully Trumpified GOP, a reactionary super-majority on the Supreme Court, and with the omnipresent threat of escalating political violence intimidating anyone who dares to dissent. 10/
The challenge with Trump has always been to get the balance right between, on one hand, rejecting the populist strongman self-mythologizing and acknowledging what a clown and a buffoon the guy is – while also emphasizing that he is nevertheless acutely dangerous on the other. 11/
Let’s not be lulled into a false sense of security by the clownishness, the ridiculousness of it all. Some of history’s most successful authoritarians were considered goons and buffoons by their contemporaries – until they became goons and buffoons in power. 12/
Successful authoritarians are not remembered for being buffoons – because the disruption they brought, the suffering they caused, the horror they unleashed in power drowns out everything else. The task, therefore, is to make sure Trump is remembered as a clown. 13/
The struggle over democracy is not just one among many issues. It defines the political conflict, it’s an overarching concern that transcends and permeates all areas of public policy. It sets the conditions for how we deal (or don’t) with all the collective action challenges. 14/
I say this as a straight white man whose right to equal participation has always been a given, whose fundamental liberties have never been in doubt: Don’t we dare forget the sacrifice of those who had to fight – and are still fighting! – for every inch of democracy. 15/
Democracy can feel tiresome, frustrating. It is all about negotiating and re-negotiating conflicting interests and sensibilities. Not exactly the most rousing stuff.
But it is the day-to-day implementation of the grandest and noblest of ideas: That all people are equal.
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Combine the myth of American exceptionalism, (willful) historical ignorance, and a lack of political imagination and the result is a situation in which a lot of people refuse to take the Trumpist threat seriously.
There is a pervasive idea that in a country like the United States, with a supposedly centuries-long tradition of stable, consolidated democracy, authoritarianism simply has no realistic chance to succeed, that “We” have never experienced authoritarianism.
But the political system that was stable for most of U.S. history was a white man’s democracy, or racial caste democracy. There is absolutely nothing old or consolidated about *multiracial, pluralistic democracy* in America. It only started less than 60 years ago.
Many Americans struggle to accept that democracy is young, fragile, and could actually collapse – a lack of imagination that dangerously blunts the response to the Trumpist Right.
Some thoughts from my new piece (link in bio):
🧵1/
I wrote about the mix of a deep-seated mythology of American exceptionalism, progress gospel, lack of political understanding, and (willful) historical ignorance that has created a situation in which a lot of people simple refuse to take the Trumpist threat seriously. 2/
There is a lot of evidence that this election may be decided by a sizable group of people who strongly dislike Trump and his plans, but simply cannot imagine he would actually dare / manage to implement any of his promises and therefore aren’t mobilizing to vote. 3/
This warning was not coming from the Left. Although he rejects the label, Kagan is probably best described as a neocon. He’s an influential Never Trump Ex-Republican. And he believed that unless we changed course, America was on a trajectory towards a Trump dictatorship.
Nothing is ever inevitable. But what Kagan got right is that every political analysis needs to start from the recognition that there’s an eminently plausible and fairly straightforward path from where we are to autocratic rule. That’s even more obvious now than it was a year ago.
Crucial piece by @Mike_Podhorzer on how polls are obscuring the extremism of Trump’s plans.
A related thought: Since the mainstream discourse stipulates that extremism must be “fringe” in America, anything that has broad support is reflexively sanitized as *not* extremism.
This apologist sleight of hand is often deployed to provide cover for extreme forces within the GOP: If extremism is not defined by its ideological/political substance, but as “something fringe,” then the minute it becomes GOP mainstream, it ceases to be regarded as extremism.
Just like that, not only do extremist ideas and policies get automatically legitimized - by definition, the Republican Party, regardless of how substantively extreme, also gets treated as “normal” simply because it ain’t fringe, because it’s supported by almost half the country.
Trumpism is what a specifically American, twenty-first century version of fascism looks like. And in November, fascism is on the ballot.
Some thoughts from my new piece (link in bio):
🧵1/
Donald Trump’s closing pitch to the American people is rage, intimidation, and vengeful violence. He is threatening – or promising, if you ask his supporters – fascism. No more plausible deniability for anyone who refuses to see the threat. 2/
Mere weeks before the election, I revisit the Fascism Debate and discuss where we stand after Trump has, even by his own standards, gone on a rampage recently. If anyone thought more evidence was needed before we could call it fascist, the Trumpists have certainly provided it. 3/
The stakes in 2024: Democracy itself has become a partisan issue.
The fundamental reality of American politics right now: The conflict over whether or not the country should actually be a democracy maps onto the conflict between the two major parties. 1/
For all its - many, many - flaws, the Democratic Party is, as of right now, the country’s sole (small-d) democratic party, while the GOP is firmly in the hands of an ethno-nationalist movement that is determined to impose its vision by increasingly authoritarian measures.
This situation is so dangerous because it means that for the foreseeable future, the fate of democracy - not merely in a formalistic way, but with all the fundamental rights and respect for pluralism by which it should be defined - is on the ballot in every single election. 3/