“We pretend to be innocent victims. Of course the Arabs attacked us. Since they have no armies, they could not obey the rules of war. They perpetrated all the barbaric acts that are characteristic of a colonial revolt.”
This was written in 1929. By a Zionist.
1/19
The full version of this thread is available on @_VashtiMedia :
A violent uprising broke out in Palestine in 1929. Unlike the localized clashes since 1880s when Zionists started settling Palestine, the 1929 violence spread across the whole country.
3/19
133 Jews were killed, some in gruesome acts of mob violence. 6 Zionist colonies were entirely destroyed. Even old Jewish communities, which predated Zionism, were attacked in Hebron and Safed. 116 Palestinians were killed by British colonial forces and Zionist militias.
4/19
The British set up a commission to investigate the roots of the violence and concluded that the cause of Arab animosity toward the Jews was the "disappointment of the Arabs’ political and national aspirations and fear for their economic future".
Aka: Zionist colonialism.
5/19
The intensity and scale of the violence shook the Zionist movement. It was becoming clear that the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine was going to be a violent process.
One Zionist leader who was particularly shaken by the events of 1929 was Hans Kohn.
6/19
Kohn was born in Prague in 1891. He was a devoted Zionist by age 17, worked for Jewish & Zionist organisations in Europe, migrated to Palestine in 1925, and became one of the directors of the Palestine Foundation Fund, the financial arm of the World Zionist Organization.
7/19
3 months after the riots, Kohn wrote a resignation letter to his colleagues at the Palestine Foundation Fund. This was months before the British investigative commission into the causes of the uprising, Kohn had already reached the same conclusions:
8/19
Kohn continues:
9/19
In these circumstances, Palestinian violence – including the more gruesome acts committed during the riots – did not surprise him:
10/19
Kohn continues, lashing out at the Zionist movement’s inability to learn from the horrors of the uprising:
11/19
Kohn foresaw that by responding to Palestinian grievances with armed force, the Zionist movement would become stuck in a downward spiral of violence and repression from which it would not be able to extricate itself:
12/19
Almost a century later, Kohn was right: Israel is a militaristic society that can only fathom responding to Palestinian grievances not with bayonets, but with M16s and F-35s.
13/19
Before Israel was born – before the Nakba, military occupation or settlements – Kohn had put a finger on why Zionism was bound to fail. This is what many anti-Zionist Jews are saying today, and what millions of Palestinians have been saying for a century.
14/19
After resigning from the Palestine Foundation Fund. Kohn left Brit Shalom, an organisation he had cofounded five years earlier to advance the idea of a binational, Jewish-Arab state in Palestine. And in 1934, he left Palestine for the United States, never to return.
15/19
Leaving Zionism was not easy.
Kohn wrote one month before resigning: “Today I am almost forty years old, twenty of which – the very best years – I have devoted purely to Zionist work and thought. In a certain sense, thus, I feel orphaned. I do not know where to begin.”
16/19
Kohn's experience speaks to me and so many other Jews turning away from Zionism: even after decades or work and commitment in a movement, we retain our freedom to step away. We are not condemned to perpetual loyalty to a cause, especially if we realize it to be unjust.
17/19
But abandoning Zionism needn’t mean abandoning hope. Kohn's call for future Jews to forge alternatives.
18/19
Almost a century later, Jews are still exploring these new and different paths, but it is starting to feel like we are slowly building – or rebuilding – a Judaism and a Jewish identity outside of Zionism.
19/19
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To most people, the idea of killing dozens, perhaps hundreds, of innocent civilians to free 4 hostages is absurd. How could anyone who has any respect for life celebrate such an operation?
Here are the mental gymnastics that allow so many Israelis to justify so much killing:
1/
Justification #1:
We can't trust the number of deaths, they are released by Hamas and Hamas cannot be trusted.
2/
Justification #2:
Even if the number of people killed in the operation was true (but its not true because Hamas), most of those killed were probably terrorists.
3/
On Oct 7th, my Israeli cousin was camping close to areas attacked by Hamas. The thought of her being kidnapped, or worse, still haunts me. A college acquaintance lost family in the attacks of his kibbutz.
But I don’t write much about the victims of Oct 7th or the hostages.
1/17
The full version of this thread is available on my blog for easier reading:
My mom isn't the only one asking this: critics of the student protests claim that calling for a ceasefire without calling for a release of the hostages is a double standard or even antisemitic, that the movement is not interested in human rights or in safety for all.
Once again, the issue is portrayed as a bunch of extremists who took over Israel.
This is not untrue, but it hides the fact that before these extremists were anywhere near power, Israel was already systematically dispossessing, colonizing, and brutalizing Palestinians.
1/10
Every Israeli I know hates Netanyahu, Israel's messianic far right, settlements, and settlers. And I mean HATES them.
But Israeli society is still overwhelmingly supportive of the war.
2/10
A poll by Tel Aviv University between Oct 23-28 asked Israelis whether the IDF was using too much or too little firepower in Gaza.
Only 2% of Jews said the IDF used too much firepower. 58% said Israel used too little firepower in Gaza.
1. He introduces the post by saying he was on campus "before the police dispersed the encampment". As we all know, the police didn't "disperse" the encampment. They violently attacked the encampment, and used armed force to dislodge students, injuring many.
Framing the events like that it was a walk in the park, without mentioning the incredible violence unleashed by the police (which had helicopters, dozens of cars, hundreds of officers, riot control gears, rubber bullet rifles and flashbangs) is pretty telling.
Since October 7th, I've joined protests, fundraising events for Gaza, and students on campuses.
As a Jew and someone who has a ton of friends and family in Israel, I want to share some thoughts on claims of antisemitism in the movement and student encampments:
1/29
The full version of this thread is available on my blog for easier reading:
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We see on social media and in the news reports of antisemitic chants, overt support for Hamas, and other distressing reports. No question that some of these reports are true. I watched myself a video of a small group of protesters chant "burn Tel Aviv to the ground".
3/29
Just came back from the UCLA campus. A few quick thoughts:
1. The encampment is not very disruptive. It occupies a tiny part of UCLA's massive campus. Though it's been there for days, I saw a lot of students discovering it for the first time and asking "what's going on?"
1/10
The main disruption is that students have to walk around it (maybe 5 extra minutes) to go from one side to the other. The main path that is closed is actually closed by campus security, not protestors
So not exactly the riot we are told makes the students' lives impossible
2/10
This is just outside the encampment. Very peaceful, students chilling, living their student lives.