And now on global risks. Trump’s effects will not be confined to within the US borders. He will increase uncertainty around the world. My assessment is that his impact may be even more negative globally than nationally.
The world is facing global challenges -- climate change, global pandemics, regulation and redirection of AI, and adaptation to aging. Global problems require supranational institutions, and those are already weak and ailing. Trump will further undercut them.
Trump’s transactional approach sits ill with global institutions. But worse, he will likely actively try to undermine several of those, including the United Nations and perhaps even the World Bank. What will happen to NATO is also uncertain.
An equally major set of consequences will follow from his undermining of US democracy. US democracy has never been perfect, and cynical and sometimes disastrous US foreign policy meant that US and Western democracies were only imperfect role models for other countries.
All the same, the weakening of US democracy and institutions will further motivate other authoritarian, populist leaders, and demoralize those for democracy, human and civil rights media freedom around the world. If democracy fails in the US, it is much more likely to fail elsewhere as well.
Trump’s AI policy may also have negative international consequences. They may intensify the US-China AI race, which is a barrier to both the smart regulation of AI and to redirecting AI in a socially more beneficial direction.
Trump’s non-regulation of Silicon Valley may also bring the spread of more manipulative and dangerous technologies around the world in a way that may destabilize many nascent democracies.
If AI continues to go towards more and more automation and manipulation, this will bad news for many emerging economies, whose main economic resource is their people. More automation may spell trouble for them.
The biggest risk from Trump may be in further destabilizing the most dangerous regions in the world: the Middle East and Taiwan. These are the two faultlines that are capable of triggering regional or even global war.
Trump’s Middle East policy is highly unpredictable and the region is already a powder keg. Trump egging on Israel towards widening its war, or making statements that question the power balance in the region could have far-reaching and dangerous implications.
Likewise, Trump may question the US commitment to the security of Taiwan or further aggravate China on the issue. My guess is that China does not currently want an active conflict, but it may be forced into one if US policy becomes inconsistent or crosses certain lines.
All of this amounts to bad news for democracy around the world, for stability, and for the already troubled and problematic international institutions. Uncertainty and anxiety await us globally as well.
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What about the economy under Trump? I don’t expect great news for workers, and I see big risks from Trump’s overall agenda, both because of his approach to AI and Silicon Valley, and because of his (likely) impact on US institutions.
Trump is coming to power at a lucky time. Biden’s signature policies are showing signs of success, but their dividends are not felt yet. They will be realized during Trump’s tenure and he will be quick to take credit.
Biden’s policies started delivering for the working class in terms of jobs and higher pay growth at the bottom (a real contrast to what we have been used to since the 1980s). The CHIPS Act and the IRA are strengthening the industrial and technological base of the country.
Trump’ın tekrar seçilmesi nedeniyle endişeli ve üzgün hissediyorum. Maalesef yıllar sürecek çalkantılı ve belirsizliğin hakim olduğu bir dönem bizi bekliyor.
Diğer taraftan, bunu bir Trump başarısı olmaktan çok Demokratların kaybettiği bir seçim olarak değerlendirmenin daha doğru olduğunu düşünüyorum. Bu başarısızlığın nedeni Biden’in ilerlemiş yaşına rağmen uzun süre aday olarak kalması değil. Kamala Harris’in yetersizliği de değil (hatta ben onun fazlasıyla yeterli olduğunu düşünüyorum). Asıl neden, Demokratların kampanyasında gizli. Demokrat Parti Amerikan işçi sınıfını bir süredir kaybediyorlardı ve bu seçimde işçileri kazanmak için hiçbir şey yapmadılar.
Demokratlar dijital yıkıma, küreselleşmeye, büyük göç hareketlerine ve duyarcı fikirlere verdikleri destek nedeniyle işçilerin partisi olma niteliğini uzun süre önce kaybetmişlerdi.
I feel anxious and saddened by Trump’s election. Years of turmoil and uncertainty await us. I have also come to believe that this is not Trump’s win. It is the Democrats who have lost this election.
Not because Biden stayed on as a candidate despite his age. Not because Kamala Harris is not qualified (I believe she’s amply qualified). It is because of Democrats’ campaign. Dems have been losing the American workers and did nothing to regain them in this election.
Dems have ceased to be the workers’ party long ago, owing to their support for digital disruption, globalization, large immigrant flows, and “woke” ideas.
We are often told that AI will help solve the climate crisis and reduce our carbon footprint. For example, by The World Economic Forum recently: weforum.org/agenda/2024/02…
Alas, the truth seems very different. Data centers already have a huge demand for electricity and tech companies have been building them rapidly. And AI and large language models ( LLMs) have massively multiplied these demands.
The Economist magazine provides a perfect illustration of what I find so troubling about the media’s coverage of US presidential elections: economist.com/leaders/2024/0…
This is exactly what Neil Postman was worrying about in Amusing Ourselves to Death. It is a clever, memorable and effective cover, and a catchy editorial, likely to go viral because it will attract attention and amuse people: amazon.com/Amusing-Oursel…
And of course, people are right to be worried about Biden and wish that the Democrats had a younger, more energetic and more appealing presidential candidate.
The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Trump v. United States is a true blow to US democratic institutions. In fact, in my opinion this is far worse for US institutions than anything I would have thought possible a decade ago: supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
The ruling is not simply bad because Trump, who has a proven track record of attempting to undermine US institutions, may become president again. It is horrible because it completely removes any constitutional constraints on misbehavior by the president.
It is worth to quote the ruling: “the nature of Presidential power entitles a former President to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions within his conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority. And he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts.”