The article by @danroan on the @twelve0fiveUK protests and the FA approach allowing natal males to play women's football sets out the FA position. The FA position demonstrates a lack of understanding of the legal position bbc.co.uk/sport/football…
The FA position is set out here.
It effectively suggests that lhe law is stopping it from implementing a policy such as is adopted in athletics and rugby and swimming. It suggests the test on excluding transwomen from women's football is one of strict necessity.
The language used almost appears to suggest that a blanket rule cannot be applied. And indeed the policy is indigidual focused. This is characteristic of the guidance offered by some lobbyists who have given training on equality legislation, rather than the positionin the Act.
There are problems with this.
First, the FA position disregards the approaches of other sports which are reassured their approach (and blanket policies in relation to natal males) is compatible.
Second, the individualistic approach is not what the legislation says. The key provision is s 195 of fhe Equality Act 2010. legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2010/15/…
The wording of the gender reassignment discrimination provision permits approaches where it
"is necessary to do so to secure in relation to the activity—
(a)fair competition, or
(b)the safety of competitors."
This language does not just appear in relation to gender reassignment
Look at the age discrimination provision in s 195 (7). It allows policies regarding age "if it is necessary to do so—
(a)to secure in relation to the activity fair competition or the safety of competitors"
The language is identical. But no one argues that an age limited policy applies on an individualistic basis, that a 25 year old can participate in an under 18s game.
This matters.
The context of the provision means the same approach to interpretation of the wording regarding age discrimination will apply in relation to gender reassignment discrimination. Blanket policies are permissible.
The test of necessity is not about the impact on individuals, but on the wider concepts of fair competition and safety. If that is not adopted the age limits for sports are also up for grabs.
That this is permissible seems affirmed by the explanatory notes to s 195 which talks in general terms not specific individuals.
Deeply uncomfortable at those attacking a colleague in relation to their research and teaching. The essence of academic freedom in a university is that we can present and test views, challenging perspectives and preconceptions. This applies to people you disagree with too.
Good faith argument on legal matters lies at the heart of a legal system and academic legal work. Develop and present arguments and test them. And teaching at its best will be informed by research, and good research is informed by the classroom too.
Seeing throwaway suggestions to an employer that someone should be sacked for holding views you disagree with is unacceptable.
i have found the Adams v ERCC case very upsetting today. The more I read of the judgment the more upset I found it.
This is a service which is for those at their most vulnerable. Trauma informed care would prioritise the service user (the survivor for want of a better expression)
but instead the service prioritised ideology over care, the interests of one member of staff over the interests of those using the service.
The signs were there when Wadhwa appeared on a podcast urging those who had been abused and sought single sex care to reframe their trauma.
The notion that your trauma response was invalid, a problem, something that should be put aside in the early days when you were seeking support. The notion that the service user was the problem.
If the first minister resigns office (rather than notifies intent to resign to allow a leadership election to take place) then there are 28 days to fill the vacancy - Scotland Act 1998, s 46 legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1998/46/…
the selection of first minister is then in accordance with standing order 11.10 of the Scottish Parliament standing orders. parliament.scot/about/how-parl…
there are two possible situations in nominations for first minister. Either, a. there is only one nominee - in which case standing order 11.10.5 applies; or b, there is more than one nominee in which case standing orders 11.10.6 - 9 apply.
The screenshot here are very interesting and suggest that the claim of drafting the Equality act was being used as a means of attempting to give additional weight to views on the meaning of the legislation, despite that being legally irrelevant.
It appears that Ms Clark has been claiming to have written or authored the act for some 5 and a half years on here. Sometimes the claim is that she wrote it.
Sometimes the claim of having helped write it is then used as a plea to her authority in determining meaning. This plea to authority has no legal value in interpretation. See agricultural services (wales) bill case 2014
When students at UG level produce publishable work, or have insights that are worthy of greater exposure, I take the I now understand old fashioned position of encouraging them to publish their work, and help by commenting on drafts and suggest journals.
There are few more rewarding things in academic work than seeing a student get published while a student or recent graduate. I am lucky enough to have seen a few students publish work I have supervised (as dissertations).
As a student I was fortunate to be cited as source of an argument (which I had made in a seminar contribution) in an article by one of my lecturers which subsequently influenced reasoning in a house of Lords appeal. I naively thought such generosity of acknowledgement was normal.
Interesting article but some thoughts.
There is an imprecision of language, which may be unintentional but may be indicative of the point White criticises Foran for about politics determining argument (the "fans with typewriters" problem). White conflates trans and those
transpeople with a GRC. The two are distinct. The protected characteristic of gender reassignment does not require a GRC. Section 9 (1) of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 only applies to those with a GRC and therefore as an interpretative tool for other legislation
and legal purposes and cannot be read more widely to cover those without a GRC. The FWS (no 2) decision in the Outer House is based on the approach to sex within the Equality Act covering those with a GRC, not more widely.