I’ve fought in #Syria for half a decade—as an SDF soldier. In that time, I studied war, drew battle plans, and learned to know my enemy. When HTS seized their first village, I saw what few others could. Take a peek at what’s coming next—a 🧵
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Assad’s forces are done. Homs is indefensible—his best troops were in Hama, and when the time came for close quarters urban combat, they folded. SAA must retreat now, taking forces and materiel to the Nusayriyah Mountains to their last defensible line.
2/ If they don’t move soon, they risk losing both troops and resources they can’t afford to replace. Tartus is non-negotiable for the regime—it’s home to Russia’s naval base, the only reason Assad is still in power.
3/ This is a chess game now, but Assad’s pieces are being swept off the board faster than he can move them. SAA need to set up fortifications stretching from: Krak des Chevaliers, To the M4 highway heading to Latakia. They must deny access to the coastline at all costs.
4/ A loss of Tartus doesn’t just jeopardize Assad—it threatens Russia’s entire Mediterranean foothold. That base is key to resupplying the remnants of the Syrian Arab Army (SAA). Lose it, and it’s game over.
5/ As Clausewitz said, "War is merely the continuation of politics by other means." Jolani has flipped this—using politics to prepare for war. Years of diplomacy with historical enemies have paid off. In northern Hama, HTS secured peaceful takeovers and defections.
6/ But the most outstanding part is Jolani's "too good to be true" proposal for a decentralized Syria ruled by councils that recognize Syria’s ethnic, religious, and sectarian diversity—essentially what AANES proposed from day one, only to be rejected by Assad at every turn.
7/ Turkey is furious at Jolani’s decentralization rhetoric. By Erdogan’s decree, all HTS assets in Turkey have been frozen, sending a clear signal. For Ankara, HTS’s overtures threaten its main goal: destroying the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria.
8/ Erdogan's fury ties back to the 2016 invasion: Operation Euphrates Shield meant to block Afrin from uniting with Manbij and the rest of Rojava. For Ankara, ISIS wasn’t the problem; but the solution to the Kurdish question—but Kobane stood, and pushed back, and AANES was born.
9/ Turkey’s occupation of northern Syria has one goal: dismantling AANES at all costs. HTS’s push for decentralization revives the vision Turkey invaded to destroy, putting Ankara and Jolani on a direct collision course.
10/ Ankara has one last card to play: The SNA Mercs فجر الحرية: Turkey’s proxies currently ethnically cleansing Kurds in Shehba (around Tal Rifaat), forcing mass displacements to AANES areas, and committing war crimes—lootings, kidnappings, killings, wherever they go.
11/These SNA proxies include groups like Harakat Nour al-Din al-Zenki and Ahrar al-Sharqiya, central players in Turkey’s invasions of Afrin (2018) and Serekaniye (2019). Rebranded under the SNA to evade accountability, their war crimes—documented and often self-published.
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1/ I was recently contacted about a man who claims to have been “in my battalion.” He rose on stolen valor, built a social platform, crowdfunded a boat—and then used other activists as his security blanket. I won’t make his name the story. This is.
2/ But before anyone labels me a spoilsport: I do not support the genocide in Gaza. My critique comes from a decolonial, field-worn anthropology — from fighting alongside Kurds in Syria and watching how solidarity is co-opted.
3/ The Sumud/Global flotilla is being praised as courageous. Yet it is being escorted — at least for part of the voyage — by the Italian navy. That matters. Reuters reports Italy will stop escorting only when the flotilla reaches ~150 nm from Gaza, and has already deployed ships.
ASSESSMENT OF HAMAS VIDEO RELEASE 1/ Drawing on my experience as a former commander with the YPG International Battalion during the Raqqa campaign, I assess several key elements in this video.
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Much of the operational picture is deliberately absent. For example, sniper teams are not shown but were almost certainly employed to suppress defenses around the target site — a construction facility likely serving as a forward IDF outpost.
3/ The terrain provided unobstructed 360-degree visibility, and it is plausible that 20 or more IDF personnel were stationed there.
That’s me in 2016, one of the founders of the Antifascist Internationalist Tabur—later dubbed Antifa Platoon by Rolling Stone magazine.
Now, as Trump announces he’s designating Antifa a major terrorist organization, I want to share my own experience. You be the judge. Thread 🧵
As an Italian antifascist, I carry a heritage. When I sang “Bella Ciao” with my Kurdish comrades during the siege of Kobani, I was using the same words my father had sung on the hills of Tuscany with his partisan comrades as they fought against the Nazi-Fascist occupation. /2
We fought within the "The Global Coalition To Defeat ISIS". Despite media sensationalism, in reality we were little more than a small fire team within the YPG, flying the Antifa flag for a photo op. We disbanded around the time of the Tabqa battle, which was our first real engagement. /3
These operations incorporated air-delivered munitions and artillery fire support. Simultaneously, persistent unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) activity was observed across the battlespace, in support of strike coordination & damage assessment. [HPG sources]
/2
During this period, a Turkish parliamentary commission was already in motion to formalize political engagement, while the PKK undertook visible steps toward de-escalation, including a disarmament ceremony and its formal declaration of organizational dissolution.
/3
Picture a bar in Nepal. Modam Kumal serves tea, makes barely enough to live. Then comes the offer: “security job in Russia.” A contract he can’t read. He signs. Weeks later, he’s not guarding doors in Moscow — he’s crawling through mud in Donetsk, under fire.
Now imagine Sierra Leone. Richard Kanu sells what he can, pays $3,000 for a visa. A new beginning, he thinks. Instead, recruiters hand him a rifle. His dream of wages becomes a trench. His labor — stolen, militarized. 2/8
Flash to Kyiv. A man walks to work, papers in his pocket. A van pulls up. Draft officers grab him, no warning. This isn’t rumor — it has a name: “busification.” A one-way ride from the street to a barracks, from routine life to the front. 3/8