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Dec 14, 2024 16 tweets 11 min read Read on X
If you think the collapse of the Soviet Union was good for the people, think again. Let’s take a closer look at what democracy and capitalism brought to Russia in the 1990s.

In the 1990s, the Soviet Union fell apart, and Russia began moving towards a market economy. However, this transition brought with it a severe economic collapse, widespread poverty, and a sharp rise in organized crime.Image
The “Grab-itization” of an Entire Country

After the fall of the Soviet Union, the team of “young reformers” led by Anatoly Chubais cleverly facilitated the transfer of state assets into the hands of the so-called “most deserving.” Naturally, this process was presented under the banner of “universal equality and justice.” Conveniently, the “most deserving” turned out to be those with close ties to Western corporations.

For example, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, through his company Yukos, and his ties to the Rockefeller family, was on the verge of transferring significant control of Russia’s oil reserves to foreign corporations before his arrest halted the process.

Here are the names of the oligarchs who made fortune by stealing from the naive Soviets who just lost their country:

Mikhail Khodorkovsky (Yukos) - ties with ExxonMobil, Chevron, and Rockefeller Foundation

Boris Berezovsky - connections with British companies and offshore financial institutions

Roman Abramovich - deals involving Sibneft and ownership of Chelsea FC, Vladimir Gusinsky (Media-Most) - partnerships with Credit Suisse and European banks

Vladimir Potanin (Interros) - collaborations with international investment funds and metallurgical corporations

Mikhail Fridman (Alfa Group) - partnership with BP through TNK-BP and offshore businesses in the UK and US

Anatoly Chubais - support from IMF, World Bank, and foreign consultants during privatization efforts.Image
The tool for the “honest” expropriation of money from the population was the voucher. This document supposedly gave every Russian citizen the right to a small share of state property. Initially, it was said that a voucher could buy you two brand-new Volga cars. Soon, its value dropped to the equivalent of two cases of vodka. The decline continued until a voucher was worth no more than two bottles of liquor.

Meanwhile, state property that was privatized began to concentrate in the hands of particularly cunning individuals. And so, Russia saw the rise of its first oligarchs.
Currency Operations

Until the summer of 1992, the dollar was officially valued at the Soviet-era exchange rate of around 56 kopecks. Of course, buying dollars at this rate was impossible, and the black-market rate was much higher. It’s clear that some people made huge profits from this gap.

Then, almost overnight, the exchange rate skyrocketed by 222 times, reaching 125 rubles per dollar.
The Rise of Prostitution in Russia

With foreign currency becoming more accessible and borders opening up, “currency prostitution” emerged on a larger scale in Russia. While it had existed before, it was never this widespread. This profession was seen as both prestigious and respected during the 1990s. Currency prostitutes were often better off financially than the wives of Soviet party officials in the 1980s. Surveys even showed that being a currency prostitute ranked among the top ten most desirable professions for schoolgirls at the time.

The overall difficult economic situation pushed thousands of Russian women into prostitution. By some estimates, there were around 180,000 sex workers in Russia during the 1990s, with one in six operating in Moscow.

At the same time, previously unheard-of forms of prostitution emerged, including male and child prostitution.Image
The Era of Banditry

When people talk about the 1990s in Russia, one of the first things that comes to mind is the surge in crime. Private entrepreneurship began to emerge during this time, but it was immediately targeted by so-called “bandits” who demanded protection money. To operate without interference, many entrepreneurs resorted to bribing law enforcement.

Criminal groups established their own rules, though they often broke them, leading to violent clashes between rival gangs. This period saw a dramatic increase in murders involving firearms and explosives compared to Soviet times.

Aside from “gang wars,” people could also be killed for refusing to pay “protection money.” Another common motive for murder was to seize an apartment, especially in desirable neighborhoods. In Moscow alone, around 15,000 elderly, single apartment owners lost their lives during this time.Image
A Dying Russia

The demographic statistics of the 1990s were grim. According to estimates by Communist Party deputies, Russia lost 4.2 million people between 1992 and 1998, with the population shrinking by 300,000 each year. The situation was especially dire in villages and small towns, where the decline was most visible. It is estimated that around 20,000 villages across the country became completely deserted.

The pensions received by the elderly were insufficient to cover basic living expenses, falling below the subsistence minimum. This financial strain forced many to continue working or seek alternative income sources to survive.

Simultaneously, the country experienced a surge in alcoholism, exacerbated by the influx of cheap foreign alcoholic beverages. The increased availability and affordability of alcohol led to higher consumption rates, as people sought to escape the harsh realities of daily life. Tragically, many individuals suffered poisoning from various alcohol substitutes, leading to numerous deaths and severe health complications.

After the Soviet Union collapsed, the country’s borders opened up, leading to a surge in drug trafficking. Much of the supply came from Central Asia and Afghanistan, bringing in heroin and other opiates.

During this time, cheap synthetic drugs like “krokodil” also appeared, along with growing use of amphetamines and marijuana. The healthcare system and law enforcement were unprepared to deal with this growing problem, leading to a drug addiction crisis throughout the decade.Image
Homelessness was virtually nonexistent in the Soviet Union, but in the 1990s, it became a widespread crisis. The number of homeless children surged to levels not seen since the post-war years, when many were orphaned during the Great Patriotic War. By the 1990s, this figure had skyrocketed, reaching approximately 2 million.Image
Another blow

The Russian default of 1998 was a catastrophic financial crisis that deeply affected ordinary citizens. The government declared it could no longer pay its debts, leading to the collapse of the ruble and wiping out people’s savings almost overnight. Inflation soared, prices of basic goods skyrocketed, and millions of Russians fell below the poverty line. Banks froze accounts, leaving people without access to their money, and many businesses went bankrupt, resulting in mass unemployment. The default eroded public trust in financial institutions and the government, and for many, it symbolized the failure of the economic reforms of the 1990s.

In the late Soviet Union during the 1980s, the poverty rate was estimated at around 1-2%, but in the 1990s, it skyrocketed to 30-50%.Image
The Great Giveaway: How Russia Fueled Western Prosperity in the 1990s

In the 1990s, Russia’s industries that could compete with the West, such as automotive manufacturing, aviation, locomotive production, turbines, and electric motors, were dismantled. What remained were low-value-added sectors like resource extraction and metallurgy, which did little to improve the standard of living for Russian citizens. The West gained massive new markets for its products, driving rapid industrial growth in Western Europe and the United States.

Through the exploitative privatization process, foreigners acquired control over key Russian production and resource assets for next to nothing. This allowed them to extract profits through dividends and unofficially through imposed services, effectively funneling capital out of the country. Western economies also benefited from cheap energy resources supplied by Russia, sustaining their prosperity for decades.

One striking example is the 1994 “Gore-Chernomyrdin uranium deal,” where the U.S. acquired nearly all of the weapons-grade uranium stockpiled by the Soviet Union, 500 tons, for just $11.9 billion.

Western countries gained access to Russia’s latest inventions and applied scientific developments. During the 1990s, Russian research institutes handed over their innovations for next to nothing through joint ventures. Once the ideas were extracted, these joint ventures were typically shut down.

In the 1990s, a significant number of skilled professionals from the post-Soviet space—scientists, engineers, and programmers—relocated to countries like Australia, Canada, and the United States, fueling advancements in science, education, and the IT sector. By 2003, around 800 Russian programmers were working at Microsoft’s headquarters in Redmond. These were individuals who had emigrated in the 1990s and played a crucial role in developing the world’s leading operating system, helping to establish Microsoft as a monopoly in the industry.
The enabler: President Yeltsin

The 1996 presidential elections in Russia remain one of the most controversial and corrupt in the country’s history. Boris Yeltsin, whose popularity had plummeted due to economic collapse, mass poverty, and the chaos of the 1990s, faced a very real threat of losing to Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov. With approval ratings hovering around 5-6% at the start of the campaign, Yeltsin’s victory seemed almost impossible without outside interference.

Yeltsin’s campaign received unprecedented financial and media support from Russia’s oligarchs and Western governments. State resources were funneled into his re-election campaign, and the media—controlled by influential oligarchs—engaged in relentless propaganda. Television channels and newspapers portrayed Yeltsin as the “savior of democracy” while demonizing his opponents, ensuring no fair representation of the political alternatives.

Buying Votes and Bribing Officials
A large portion of the electorate, struggling with poverty, was influenced by promises of pensions, salaries, and financial benefits that never materialized after the election. There were also reports of widespread vote-buying, intimidation of voters, and manipulation of election commissions to favor Yeltsin.

The West played a key role in securing Yeltsin’s victory, as a weakened Russia was highly advantageous for their interests. Western advisers were brought in to guide his campaign with modern strategies, while significant financial aid was directed to bolster his efforts. This degree of foreign involvement cast serious doubt on the sovereignty of Russia’s democratic process.

Although Yeltsin was declared the winner, his second term was marked by continued economic turmoil, the Chechen war, and the further rise of oligarchic rule. The corrupt nature of his re-election deeply disillusioned the Russian public with democracy and paved the way for authoritarian tendencies in the years that followed.Image
For those who claim that the Bolsheviks were primarily Jewish, here’s a reality check: In the 1990s, after decades of suppression under Soviet rule, the Chabad movement reestablished itself in Russia. Following the collapse of the USSR and the introduction of religious freedoms, Chabad began rebuilding Jewish life by opening synagogues, schools, and community centers across the country. Supported by global Chabad networks and influential figures like oligarch Lev Leviev, they became a leading force in the revival of Judaism. Through strong ties with the government and extensive outreach programs, Chabad played a crucial role in restoring Jewish identity and presence in post-Soviet Russia.
The 1990s in Russia were marked by a series of devastating terrorist attacks.

One of the earliest major incidents occurred in 1995, when Chechen separatists took more than 1,000 hostages in a hospital in Budyonnovsk. The standoff, which lasted several days, ended with over 100 people killed after a failed Russian military assault.

In 1996, another high-profile attack took place in Kizlyar, when Chechen militants seized a hospital and took hundreds of hostages. They used civilians as human shields while escaping, leading to a deadly confrontation with Russian forces.

Smaller-scale bombings and hostage-takings were also frequent, targeting civilians, public transport, and infrastructure. For example, explosions in Moscow metro stations and other urban centers spread fear and insecurity across the population.

The 1999 apartment bombings were among the deadliest terrorist attacks of the decade, with a series of explosions in Moscow, Buynaksk, and Volgodonsk killing nearly 300 people and injuring hundreds more.Image
In the 1990s, Russia’s economy was in deep crisis. Thousands of industrial enterprises and research institutes closed down, leaving millions without jon. As a result, many Russians turned to trade to survive.

Pensioners turned to small-scale street trading, selling cigarettes, sunflower seeds, and other minor goods to make ends meet.

There were also some truly disturbing entrepreneurial efforts. For example, morgue workers and forensic experts were found to be involved in the trafficking of human organs.

In general, people across the country did whatever they could to survive—and somehow, they managed. This chaos continued until Putin came to power, pulling the nation out of its downward spiral, earning him the lasting gratitude of majority Russians.Image

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More from @rinalu_

Aug 29
Sakhalin: An Untamed Russian Gem and a Hidden Winter Playground

If you’ve never heard of Sakhalin, you’re not alone. It’s a long island way out in Russia’s Far East, just above Japan. Most people think it’s only about oil and gas but honestly, it’s one of the most beautiful, underrated places you can visit.Image
Picture mountains rolling right into the Pacific, quiet forests, hot springs in the middle of nowhere. It feels like Alaska, but with a touch of Japan. Image
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The ski scene is taking off. The resorts in Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk have gondola lifts, night skiing, and fresh powder with way fewer crowds than Europe. People are starting to call it Russia’s Hokkaido. Image
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Read 5 tweets
Aug 29
When most people in the West think of divided Germany, they immediately picture the Berlin Wall – a symbol of Cold War brutality. The common narrative says: Stalin divided Germany, and the West defended freedom. But what if the reality was almost the opposite?

🧵👇 Image
in 1952, Stalin offered the Western powers a plan to reunite Germany. His famous “Stalin Note” of March 10th proposed free elections under international supervision, withdrawal of occupation forces, and the creation of a neutral, united Germany – not aligned with either NATO or the Soviet bloc. It was not a vague propaganda trick, but a concrete diplomatic offer. Germany could have avoided decades of division, occupation, and the Wall.
in 1952, Stalin offered the Western powers a plan to reunite Germany. His famous “Stalin Note” of March 10th proposed free elections under international supervision, withdrawal of occupation forces, and the creation of a neutral, united Germany – not aligned with either NATO or the Soviet bloc. It was not a vague propaganda trick, but a concrete diplomatic offer. Germany could have avoided decades of division, occupation, and the Wall.
Read 7 tweets
Aug 27
The Holodomor is a very popular myth among Ukrainian propagandists. But like all propaganda, it’s aimed at the masses who are incapable of thinking on their own and in this case unfamiliar with history. There is plenty of evidence available in open sources to prove that Holdohoax is a silly lie. For example, photos used to “prove” the Holodomor actually come from World War I or the famine of the 1920s (the Holodomor was in 1932–33).

Soviet documents, available in large numbers, confirm that food was imported into Ukraine as aid, not exported out, which doesn’t fit the narrative of deliberately starving poor Ukrainians. Moreover, there was a state-level policy of Ukrainization, meaning the government invested huge resources in developing Ukrainian culture, opening Ukrainian-language schools, and even forcing people to speak Ukrainian instead of Russian (look up korenizacia). That too doesn’t align with the myth of exterminating Ukrainians.

It's also worth mentioning that the famine happened not only in Ukraine, but in Kazakhstan and the Volga region, which was RSFSR (Russia), meaning it affected not only Ukrainians.

But today, I want to tell you about other facts, things that almost nobody else will tell you. 🧵👇Image
Keep in mind we're discussing the years 1931 to 1933. During this period, when Western companies were expelled from the USSR, the U.S. and Britain imposed restrictions on Soviet gold imports, raised tariffs on Soviet timber and grain, and gradually transitioned toward trade bans. In today's terms, the West essentially imposed sanctions. Consequently, the USSR was forced to purchase industrial equipment necessary for its industrialization by trading grain, directly contributing to the 1930s famine. The USSR needed to buy equipment, but the West wouldn't accept gold or money, they demanded grain.

Without Monsanto, DuPont, or GMOs capable of growing food in challenging conditions (though these aren't particularly good for us anyway), back then any climate issues spelled trouble for harvests. And trouble certainly occurred.

Americans will recognize this as the Dust Bowl, spanning from 1930 to 1936, a period marked by unusually dry years in the region. Many people died from malnutrition. I place "malnutrition" in quotesfor you to notice how the same events described differently: malnutrition - hunger. It's noteworthy that no one in the U.S. actually counted how many people died during that time.
Now only in the US, but Western Ukraine suffered famine and many deaths. The problem is that during that time, that part of Ukraine was a part of independent Poland. So, Stalin had nothing to do with it even if he wanted.

No Stalin, no Bolsheviks, and yet people still died from hunger. But none of this is brought to your attention for obvious reasons.Image
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Read 9 tweets
Aug 24
Why Did Britain Abandon Poland?

Picture this: London, August 25, 1939. Britain and Poland finally sign a mutual assistance pact. On paper it’s beautiful: if Germany attacks Poland, Britain promises to step in. To the Poles, it felt as if the British lion was now on their side.

Now here’s the cinematic twist. That very morning, Hitler had already signed the order to invade Poland on August 26. By evening, he hears about the treaty and cancels everything. A full-scale invasion literally scrapped hours before it was supposed to kick off. But… just one week later, on September 1, the Wehrmacht rolled in anyway.

And here’s the detective question: why did he still go for it?
The Road to War

Then came Munich, 1938. Chamberlain came home waving that piece of paper: “Peace in our time!” In reality, Hitler with Poland’s complicity carved up Czechoslovakia, the arms-production hub of Central Europe at the time. And more importantly, he learned something: London and Paris talk big, but they won’t shoot.

By March 1939, he seized Prague. Even London realized that Hitler wasn’t just uniting Germans he wanted to dominate Europe. That’s when Britain began giving guarantees to Poland.

Since 1933, Hitler had been dismantling the Versailles system step by step: rebuilding the army, marching into the Rhineland, walking out of the League of Nations. The West just kept looking the other way.
Why Britain Didn’t Save Poland

Yes, on September 3 Britain and France declared war on Germany. Sounds epic. But in reality?

1. Tiny army. Britain’s ground forces were small, barely ready to set foot on the continent. France had numbers, but clung to its defensive Maginot Line strategy.

2. The “Phoney War.” When Britain and France declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939, they didn’t send troops to fight for Poland. Instead, their main strategy was an economic blockade, the same tool Britain had used against Germany in World War I. But Hitler wasn’t planning a long, slow war. He launched blitzkrieg - fast, overwhelming invasions that gave him quick victories before a blockade could bite.

3. Mindset. British society had just been through years of appeasement. They weren’t psychologically ready for an all-out fight. Or maybe…they just did not want to.

The Anglo-Polish pact gave London a legal reason to declare war, but not the teeth to protect Warsaw. Hitler knew that the West would bark but not bite.
Read 4 tweets
Aug 23
Ah yes, Finland – the ‘neutral bystander’ of WWII. Just standing there, totally uninvolved, while Leningrad starved. Cute story. Too bad it’s pure fiction.

Reality check: Finnish troops sat on Leningrad’s doorstep for three years. Not sipping coffee, not staying “neutral”. They were holding one-third of the blockade line. Without Finland’s part, the Germans couldn’t have fully strangled the city. Together, they closed the ring that starved a 1.5 million people to death, inclidin 400,000 children.

And Mannerheim the “savior”? Please. His orders were to bomb the Road of Life (which was not really a road but a frozen lake), the only route bringing food across Lake Ladoga.

On June 25, 1941, Mannerheim ordered the Finnish Army to begin hostilities against the USSR:

“I call you to a holy war against the enemy of our nation. Together with the mighty armed forces of Germany, as brothers-in-arms, we resolutely set out on a crusade against the enemy to secure a reliable future for Finland.”

Finland dreamed of expansion and had concrete plans. On the ‘Greater Finland’ dream map, you’ll find Russian cities like Murmansk, Leningrad, and Kandalaksha marked as theirs👇

Let's unpack the common myths and educate our fellow Finns about their own history. 🧵Image
Meet Mannerheim.

Before we move on to Finland’s well-known war against the USSR on Hitler’s side, we need to roll the clock back a bit and look at the context. Finland as a state was born inside Russia. Before the Russo-Swedish War, these lands were simply the eastern part of Sweden. After the war, Russia took them and created the autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland. It remained part of the Russian Empire until the revolution of 1917.

Now, meet Mannerheim – a military and political figure who came from poor Swedish-Finnish nobility, yet rose to become a general in the Russian army and an officer of the Imperial Guard, close to Nicholas II himself, part of the very top of the empire’s military elite. He received special assignments and was even dispatched on reconnaissance expeditions across Central Asia and China. But this is where his true colors began to show: he mingled freely with foreign officers, shared information with the British during his 1906–08 “expedition” in Asia, and later was even suspected of having ties to Masonic circles. These are hints that his loyalties were never fully aligned with Russia.

After the collapse of the empire, he wasted no time. In May 1919, he offered to co-operate with the British intervention army against Soviet Russia on the condition that the industrial town of Petrozavodsk be handed over to Finland. The offer was rejected, since the Russian Whites then backed by Britain opposed an independent Finland. Nevertheless, Mannerheim launched an attack on Petrozavodsk, though unsuccessfully. In October 1919 he made a similar proposal to General Yudenich, another “White” leader supported by the British fleet in the assault on Petrograd. Again his offer was declined, but he still lent his support indirectly: on October 12, when the British and French fleets proclaimed a blockade of the Baltic republics for making peace with Soviet Russia, Finland under Mannerheim followed suit and proclaimed its own blockade as well.Image
Finland's Ties with Hitler in the 1930s

In 1934, Mannerheim went to London to push for fortifying the Aland Islands, despite Finland’s 1921 pledge to leave them unfortified. The next year he turned to Germany, joining a secret conference with Hermann Göring, Hungarian Prime Minister Gyula Gömbös, and Tytus Komarnicki, head of the Polish Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee, to discuss joint action against the USSR (Times, Oct 15, 1935). By 1939 he was still entertaining German generals, personally showing Chief of Staff Franz Halder around Finland’s northern airfields and depots.

Meanwhile, the Finnish government tried to fortify the Aland Islands anyway. Everyone knew Finland couldn’t defend them alone, fortification meant handing them to Germany, which was already preparing for war with the USSR. So Helsinki asked Britain and Germany for permission, and both despite being at odds elsewhere eagerly agreed. The only country Finland didn’t consult was the USSR, the one most directly threatened.

After World War I, Germany was banned from building its own navy. But Helsinki stepped in to help. Already in the 1920s, Finland was secretly assisting Germany in rebuilding the Kriegsmarine in open violation of the Versailles Treaty. The so-called Vesikko class, launched in the mid-1930s, was nothing less than the prototype for Germany’s Type II U-boats, the backbone of the Reich’s submarine arm once rearmament began in earnest. Finland pretended it was merely expanding its tiny fleet, but in reality it was a cover operation: a testing ground for Nazi Germany’s return to naval power. These same Finnish submarines later fought against the USSR. One of them, Vesikko, still survives today as a museum ship in Helsinki, not a monument to “brave neutrality,” but to Finland’s complicity in Germany’s secret rearmament long before 1941.Image
Read 12 tweets
Aug 20
When Finnish President Stubb discussed Finland's WWII alliance with Nazi Germany against the USSR, he overlooked a critical detail: Finland's role in the ethnic cleansing of Karelia (USSR).

Far from innocent, Finland teamed up with the Nazis, mirroring their brutal tactics.

Between 1941 and 1944, the Finnish army seized Eastern Karelia (USSR), unleashing terror on its civilian population. Their targets were everyday people.

On October 24, 1941, Finland set up its first concentration camp for Soviet civilians of Slavic descent in Petrozavodsk, including women and children. Their chilling mission was ethnic cleansing and the erasure of the Russian presence in Finnish-occupied Karelia.

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By the close of 1941, more than 13,000 civilians were behind bars. Fast forward to mid-1942, and that figure soared to nearly 22,000. In total, about 30,000 individuals endured the harsh realities of 13 camps, with a third succumbing to starvation, disease, and brutal forced labor. And this grim count doesn't even factor in the equally lethal POW camps. As the war drafted most men early on, women and children bore the brunt of the labor force in these camps.

In April 1942, Finnish politician Väinö Voionmaa wrote home:

“Out of 20,000 Russian civilians in Äänislinna, 19,000 are in camps. Their food was rotten horse meat. Children scavenge garbage for scraps. What would the Red Cross say if they saw this?”

In 1942, the death rate in Finnish camps exceeded that of German ones. Testimonies describe corpses being hauled daily, teenagers forced into labor, and women and children made to work 10+ hour shifts in forests and camps, unpaid until 1943.

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rabkrin.org/vojonmaa-vyajn…Image
Camp No. 2, unofficially known as the “death camp,” was notorious for its brutality. It held “disloyal” civilians, and its commandant, Finnish officer Solovaara, became infamous for public beatings and killings. In May 1942, he staged a mass beating of prisoners simply for begging. Those who resisted forced labor, often in brutal logging camps, were beaten to death in front of others “as a lesson.”

According to the Soviet Extraordinary State Commission, Finnish forces conducted medical experiments on prisoners and branded them with hot iron unlike the Nazis, who tattooed. Finland also engaged in slave trading, selling abducted Soviet civilians for agricultural labor.

An estimated 14,000 civilians died in Karelia between 1941 and 1944, excluding POWs. But many of the dead labeled as “prisoners of war” were actually civilians: most rural Soviets lacked passports, and anyone of conscription age was assumed to be a soldier.

In 2021, the FSB declassified the names of 54 Finns responsible for the genocide of the Soviet population.

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Read 4 tweets

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