If you think the collapse of the Soviet Union was good for the people, think again. Let’s take a closer look at what democracy and capitalism brought to Russia in the 1990s.
In the 1990s, the Soviet Union fell apart, and Russia began moving towards a market economy. However, this transition brought with it a severe economic collapse, widespread poverty, and a sharp rise in organized crime.
The “Grab-itization” of an Entire Country
After the fall of the Soviet Union, the team of “young reformers” led by Anatoly Chubais cleverly facilitated the transfer of state assets into the hands of the so-called “most deserving.” Naturally, this process was presented under the banner of “universal equality and justice.” Conveniently, the “most deserving” turned out to be those with close ties to Western corporations.
For example, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, through his company Yukos, and his ties to the Rockefeller family, was on the verge of transferring significant control of Russia’s oil reserves to foreign corporations before his arrest halted the process.
Here are the names of the oligarchs who made fortune by stealing from the naive Soviets who just lost their country:
Mikhail Khodorkovsky (Yukos) - ties with ExxonMobil, Chevron, and Rockefeller Foundation
Boris Berezovsky - connections with British companies and offshore financial institutions
Roman Abramovich - deals involving Sibneft and ownership of Chelsea FC, Vladimir Gusinsky (Media-Most) - partnerships with Credit Suisse and European banks
Vladimir Potanin (Interros) - collaborations with international investment funds and metallurgical corporations
Mikhail Fridman (Alfa Group) - partnership with BP through TNK-BP and offshore businesses in the UK and US
Anatoly Chubais - support from IMF, World Bank, and foreign consultants during privatization efforts.
The tool for the “honest” expropriation of money from the population was the voucher. This document supposedly gave every Russian citizen the right to a small share of state property. Initially, it was said that a voucher could buy you two brand-new Volga cars. Soon, its value dropped to the equivalent of two cases of vodka. The decline continued until a voucher was worth no more than two bottles of liquor.
Meanwhile, state property that was privatized began to concentrate in the hands of particularly cunning individuals. And so, Russia saw the rise of its first oligarchs.
Currency Operations
Until the summer of 1992, the dollar was officially valued at the Soviet-era exchange rate of around 56 kopecks. Of course, buying dollars at this rate was impossible, and the black-market rate was much higher. It’s clear that some people made huge profits from this gap.
Then, almost overnight, the exchange rate skyrocketed by 222 times, reaching 125 rubles per dollar.
The Rise of Prostitution in Russia
With foreign currency becoming more accessible and borders opening up, “currency prostitution” emerged on a larger scale in Russia. While it had existed before, it was never this widespread. This profession was seen as both prestigious and respected during the 1990s. Currency prostitutes were often better off financially than the wives of Soviet party officials in the 1980s. Surveys even showed that being a currency prostitute ranked among the top ten most desirable professions for schoolgirls at the time.
The overall difficult economic situation pushed thousands of Russian women into prostitution. By some estimates, there were around 180,000 sex workers in Russia during the 1990s, with one in six operating in Moscow.
At the same time, previously unheard-of forms of prostitution emerged, including male and child prostitution.
The Era of Banditry
When people talk about the 1990s in Russia, one of the first things that comes to mind is the surge in crime. Private entrepreneurship began to emerge during this time, but it was immediately targeted by so-called “bandits” who demanded protection money. To operate without interference, many entrepreneurs resorted to bribing law enforcement.
Criminal groups established their own rules, though they often broke them, leading to violent clashes between rival gangs. This period saw a dramatic increase in murders involving firearms and explosives compared to Soviet times.
Aside from “gang wars,” people could also be killed for refusing to pay “protection money.” Another common motive for murder was to seize an apartment, especially in desirable neighborhoods. In Moscow alone, around 15,000 elderly, single apartment owners lost their lives during this time.
A Dying Russia
The demographic statistics of the 1990s were grim. According to estimates by Communist Party deputies, Russia lost 4.2 million people between 1992 and 1998, with the population shrinking by 300,000 each year. The situation was especially dire in villages and small towns, where the decline was most visible. It is estimated that around 20,000 villages across the country became completely deserted.
The pensions received by the elderly were insufficient to cover basic living expenses, falling below the subsistence minimum. This financial strain forced many to continue working or seek alternative income sources to survive.
Simultaneously, the country experienced a surge in alcoholism, exacerbated by the influx of cheap foreign alcoholic beverages. The increased availability and affordability of alcohol led to higher consumption rates, as people sought to escape the harsh realities of daily life. Tragically, many individuals suffered poisoning from various alcohol substitutes, leading to numerous deaths and severe health complications.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, the country’s borders opened up, leading to a surge in drug trafficking. Much of the supply came from Central Asia and Afghanistan, bringing in heroin and other opiates.
During this time, cheap synthetic drugs like “krokodil” also appeared, along with growing use of amphetamines and marijuana. The healthcare system and law enforcement were unprepared to deal with this growing problem, leading to a drug addiction crisis throughout the decade.
Homelessness was virtually nonexistent in the Soviet Union, but in the 1990s, it became a widespread crisis. The number of homeless children surged to levels not seen since the post-war years, when many were orphaned during the Great Patriotic War. By the 1990s, this figure had skyrocketed, reaching approximately 2 million.
Another blow
The Russian default of 1998 was a catastrophic financial crisis that deeply affected ordinary citizens. The government declared it could no longer pay its debts, leading to the collapse of the ruble and wiping out people’s savings almost overnight. Inflation soared, prices of basic goods skyrocketed, and millions of Russians fell below the poverty line. Banks froze accounts, leaving people without access to their money, and many businesses went bankrupt, resulting in mass unemployment. The default eroded public trust in financial institutions and the government, and for many, it symbolized the failure of the economic reforms of the 1990s.
In the late Soviet Union during the 1980s, the poverty rate was estimated at around 1-2%, but in the 1990s, it skyrocketed to 30-50%.
The Great Giveaway: How Russia Fueled Western Prosperity in the 1990s
In the 1990s, Russia’s industries that could compete with the West, such as automotive manufacturing, aviation, locomotive production, turbines, and electric motors, were dismantled. What remained were low-value-added sectors like resource extraction and metallurgy, which did little to improve the standard of living for Russian citizens. The West gained massive new markets for its products, driving rapid industrial growth in Western Europe and the United States.
Through the exploitative privatization process, foreigners acquired control over key Russian production and resource assets for next to nothing. This allowed them to extract profits through dividends and unofficially through imposed services, effectively funneling capital out of the country. Western economies also benefited from cheap energy resources supplied by Russia, sustaining their prosperity for decades.
One striking example is the 1994 “Gore-Chernomyrdin uranium deal,” where the U.S. acquired nearly all of the weapons-grade uranium stockpiled by the Soviet Union, 500 tons, for just $11.9 billion.
Western countries gained access to Russia’s latest inventions and applied scientific developments. During the 1990s, Russian research institutes handed over their innovations for next to nothing through joint ventures. Once the ideas were extracted, these joint ventures were typically shut down.
In the 1990s, a significant number of skilled professionals from the post-Soviet space—scientists, engineers, and programmers—relocated to countries like Australia, Canada, and the United States, fueling advancements in science, education, and the IT sector. By 2003, around 800 Russian programmers were working at Microsoft’s headquarters in Redmond. These were individuals who had emigrated in the 1990s and played a crucial role in developing the world’s leading operating system, helping to establish Microsoft as a monopoly in the industry.
The enabler: President Yeltsin
The 1996 presidential elections in Russia remain one of the most controversial and corrupt in the country’s history. Boris Yeltsin, whose popularity had plummeted due to economic collapse, mass poverty, and the chaos of the 1990s, faced a very real threat of losing to Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov. With approval ratings hovering around 5-6% at the start of the campaign, Yeltsin’s victory seemed almost impossible without outside interference.
Yeltsin’s campaign received unprecedented financial and media support from Russia’s oligarchs and Western governments. State resources were funneled into his re-election campaign, and the media—controlled by influential oligarchs—engaged in relentless propaganda. Television channels and newspapers portrayed Yeltsin as the “savior of democracy” while demonizing his opponents, ensuring no fair representation of the political alternatives.
Buying Votes and Bribing Officials
A large portion of the electorate, struggling with poverty, was influenced by promises of pensions, salaries, and financial benefits that never materialized after the election. There were also reports of widespread vote-buying, intimidation of voters, and manipulation of election commissions to favor Yeltsin.
The West played a key role in securing Yeltsin’s victory, as a weakened Russia was highly advantageous for their interests. Western advisers were brought in to guide his campaign with modern strategies, while significant financial aid was directed to bolster his efforts. This degree of foreign involvement cast serious doubt on the sovereignty of Russia’s democratic process.
Although Yeltsin was declared the winner, his second term was marked by continued economic turmoil, the Chechen war, and the further rise of oligarchic rule. The corrupt nature of his re-election deeply disillusioned the Russian public with democracy and paved the way for authoritarian tendencies in the years that followed.
For those who claim that the Bolsheviks were primarily Jewish, here’s a reality check: In the 1990s, after decades of suppression under Soviet rule, the Chabad movement reestablished itself in Russia. Following the collapse of the USSR and the introduction of religious freedoms, Chabad began rebuilding Jewish life by opening synagogues, schools, and community centers across the country. Supported by global Chabad networks and influential figures like oligarch Lev Leviev, they became a leading force in the revival of Judaism. Through strong ties with the government and extensive outreach programs, Chabad played a crucial role in restoring Jewish identity and presence in post-Soviet Russia.
The 1990s in Russia were marked by a series of devastating terrorist attacks.
One of the earliest major incidents occurred in 1995, when Chechen separatists took more than 1,000 hostages in a hospital in Budyonnovsk. The standoff, which lasted several days, ended with over 100 people killed after a failed Russian military assault.
In 1996, another high-profile attack took place in Kizlyar, when Chechen militants seized a hospital and took hundreds of hostages. They used civilians as human shields while escaping, leading to a deadly confrontation with Russian forces.
Smaller-scale bombings and hostage-takings were also frequent, targeting civilians, public transport, and infrastructure. For example, explosions in Moscow metro stations and other urban centers spread fear and insecurity across the population.
The 1999 apartment bombings were among the deadliest terrorist attacks of the decade, with a series of explosions in Moscow, Buynaksk, and Volgodonsk killing nearly 300 people and injuring hundreds more.
In the 1990s, Russia’s economy was in deep crisis. Thousands of industrial enterprises and research institutes closed down, leaving millions without jon. As a result, many Russians turned to trade to survive.
Pensioners turned to small-scale street trading, selling cigarettes, sunflower seeds, and other minor goods to make ends meet.
There were also some truly disturbing entrepreneurial efforts. For example, morgue workers and forensic experts were found to be involved in the trafficking of human organs.
In general, people across the country did whatever they could to survive—and somehow, they managed. This chaos continued until Putin came to power, pulling the nation out of its downward spiral, earning him the lasting gratitude of majority Russians.
How Putin made Russia Great Again or why Russians love him so much
(very long 🧵)
After the collapse of the USSR, Russia became a colony of the West and lost its sovereignty. During the 1990s and under Yeltsin’s government, the country nearly fell apart. The military and industries across all sectors were destroyed, school textbooks were rewritten, and resources were sold off to Western corporations. It’s a serious question whether Russia would even exist today if things had continued that way. However, with Putin’s arrival, everything changed - he brought Russia back to itself.
Bio
Few in the West know about Putin’s mentor, Anatoly Sobchak, who introduced him to politics. Sobchak was a strong supporter of liberal-democratic ideas and one of the founders of the “Democratic Russia” party.
In the early 1990s, Vladimir Putin worked as an assistant to the rector of Leningrad State University for international affairs.
This position served as a cover, as he was an active KGB agent. When Sobchak noticed him at the University and invited him to join his team, Putin had to admit his work in intelligence. Realizing that combining KGB work with political activity was impossible, he resigned from the KGB.
In June 1991, Sobchak became the mayor of St. Petersburg. During the tense political environment of the time, from 1993 onward, Sobchak often entrusted Putin to act as mayor during his foreign trips, showing great trust in his professionalism. However, starting in 1995, a campaign to discredit Sobchak began, organized by his political opponents in Moscow who viewed him as a potential rival for the presidency. Using accusations of misconduct, law enforcement agencies like the Prosecutor’s Office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the FSB effectively ended his political career. His worsening health worked to his enemies’ advantage, reducing his ability to defend himself. At one point, they even tried to block him from traveling abroad for medical treatment.
At this critical moment, Putin showed complete loyalty to his mentor, Sobchak. He knew that helping Sobchak leave the country involved serious risks to his own career. First, he was going against powerful state agencies that were actively pursuing Sobchak. If the plan failed, Putin could have been accused of aiding or hiding him. Second, Sobchak was a political outsider at the time, and supporting him could have been seen as a strategic mistake, alienating influential allies in Moscow. Third, successfully getting Sobchak out of the country under the strict control of the FSB, prosecutors, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs required extreme caution. It could have been seen as breaking the law, threatening not just Putin’s career but also his personal freedom.
Despite these risks, Putin, using skills from his intelligence background, arranged for Sobchak to leave for France, where he underwent life-saving surgery. This act was a remarkable display of loyalty and courage. After the operation, Putin reported the outcome to Yeltsin, who, after a pause, approved his actions, saying, “You did the right thing.” This moment highlighted not only Putin’s loyalty to Sobchak but also his willingness to take risks for his principles and a sense of justice, which later became a defining feature of his political career.
The Turning Point: Russia’s New Year of Change
Since Christmas is a religious holiday in Russia, New Year’s Eve is celebrated similarly to how Christmas is in the West. A New Year’s tree is set up, and children receive gifts from Ded Moroz, the Russian Santa Claus, on the night of December 31st to January 1st. The celebration begins with a televised speech by the president, followed by the countdown to the chimes of the Kremlin clock, Russia’s main timepiece.
Back then, everyone anticipated Boris Yeltsin’s New Year address. By the 2000s, however, Yeltsin could barely speak. He was widely seen as a hopeless alcoholic, mocked by the Russian people and even by foreign leaders like Bill Clinton. Russians felt ashamed of their president, who had become a national embarrassment.
But instead of Yeltsin’s familiar face on TV, a young man appeared. Calm, polite, and well-spoken, he explained that Yeltsin had stepped down due to health reasons, and until the elections in the spring, he would take on presidential duties. He wished everyone a Happy New Year, and for the first time in a while, there was a sense of hope in the air.
When the elections came, people voted for this young man, Vladimir Putin, and he became president. Almost immediately, he introduced significant changes, particularly regarding the oligarchs who had gained immense political influence in the 1990s during the privatization of state enterprises under Yeltsin.
After the collapse of the USSR, several waves of privatization swept through Russia, leaving the nation’s wealth in the hands of a few. While ordinary Russians suffered from a sharp decline in living standards, barely scraping by, the business clans born in the chaos of perestroika solidified their control over the most valuable assets of what was once a great country.
How Stalin gifted Poland vast German territories while Poles expelled ethnic Germans and moved into their homes.
The lands colored in black were given to Poland permanently, not as temporary occupation zones. These areas (now western Poland, including Silesia, Pomerania, and parts of East Prussia) had been predominantly German-speaking since the Middle Ages, with German settlers moving there during the 12th–14th centuries. After these lands were transferred to Poland, Germans were forcibly deported to Germany, and Poles moved in to settle in their homes.
And it wasn’t “NKVD officers trained in deportations and sent from the USSR” carrying this out—it was the Poles themselves. The Poles had full independence in this matter because they were building their own Poland, not following a model imposed by the USSR. Moreover, Soviet NKVD officers actually had to step in and calm the Poles down, as they had clearly gone too far with the deportation of Germans, turning it into something reminiscent of Nazi practices. This is not surprising, as they had already practiced similar actions against Jews, Ukrainians, Belarusians, and communists. The difference, however, was that at that time, no one restrained them or reminded them of the boundaries of human conscience and law.
Former German territories given to Poland by Stalin’s decision
At the Potsdam Conference, the Allies gave the Allied Control Council for Germany the responsibility to oversee the deportation of Germans, working with the governments of Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary.
In January 1946, a memorandum between Britain, Poland, and the Soviet Union promised to carry out the deportations “humanely and in an organized way.” That year, Poland passed a law to remove ethnic Germans from Polish society.
Germans were not given the right to make personal decisions about leaving or choosing a new place to live. They were allowed to take 500 Reichsmarks per person and “as much luggage as they could carry.”
Letter from the Head of the 4th European Department of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, A.P. Pavlov, to the Soviet Ambassador in Warsaw, V.Z. Lebedev, dated June 17, 1946:
“The Poles are cruel. You cannot imagine how they torment people. They rob and force them to die of hunger. Szczecin has become a city of death and suicides… Now Karl says: ‘Better death in hell than returning to Szczecin.’ The Polish rule is terrible; returning home is impossible…”
What’s most interesting to me is that I haven’t heard even a hint of self-reflection from the Poles about this history. Every Pole I’ve spoken to excitedly shared stories about how, when they arrived in the “empty lands,” they could choose from rich German homes. There are countless stories of people simply walking in and freely taking over entire farms, fully equipped. Factories, plants, cars, and railways - they were all just there for the taking. On the contrary, there are hundreds of stories about discovering “German treasures” - when Germans hid their most valuable belongings, hoping to return someday. The Poles didn’t even mention the Germans’ ownership rights to the discovered property; they simply claimed it all for themselves.
In 1941, there were no supplies at all, and in 1942, they were sporadic and negligible. The majority of the deliveries came in 1944 and 1945, with a significant portion arriving only after Victory.
Much has been written about Lend-Lease for the Soviet Union, including complete nonsense. The truth is that any help during that time would be important, but the aid (not just Lend-Lease) essentially only began in 1943, after Stalingrad, when our forces started defeating the Germans on all fronts and overall contribution of the wartime resources was only 4% of what the Soviets used during war.
But this is not about U.S. assistance to the Red Army; it’s about American corporations’ assistance to Hitler. And that assistance far exceeded what they provided to Stalin. This is a topic that has been awkwardly avoided, both after the war and even now, but it all happened. Even today, we don’t have the full picture - only isolated facts that couldn’t be concealed.
In fact, the majority of the military-industrial complex of Hitler’s Germany was built by American corporations, which invested enormous sums of money into it.
Before the start of World War II, American companies invested significantly in Hitler’s economy: Ford - $17.5 million, Standard Oil of New Jersey (now Exxon) - $120 million, General Motors - $35 million, and ITT - $30 million. These figures account for only the largest corporations. At the time, the dollar was worth roughly 35-45 of today’s dollars, depending on the estimate.
The Opel factories in Germany were fully owned by American General Motors. These factories produced trucks, armored vehicles, and personnel carriers for the Wehrmacht, as well as half of the engines for Junkers-88 bombers. In 1943, jet engines for the Messerschmitt-262 were developed at General Motors’ German subsidiary.
Pratt & Whitney licensed its BMW “Hornet” engine to Germany, which was used on Ju-52/3 transport planes until the very end of the war. And this is just one example.
After the start of World War II, the collaboration did not stop—Ford, in particular, stood out!
In 1940, Ford refused to assemble engines for Britain, but for the Germans? No problem. In France, at the factory in Poissy, the production of aircraft engines and vehicles for Germany began.
After the occupation of France, production even increased. Even the branch in Algeria was assembling trucks and armored vehicles for Rommel. Of course, pro-American enthusiasts might argue that the Germans forced them. Maybe so, but Ford continued to receive profits from those factories, and the Germans paid reliably.
It’s no coincidence that Germany never invaded Switzerland. What, were they afraid of the valiant Swiss? Hardly! With the transactions flowing through Swiss banks, Hitler didn’t need an army to deal with the Swiss—he would have treated them with utmost care regardless.
GULAG - a word that sends chills down Western spines. But what if I told you that in Russia, it wasn’t seen as the ultimate horror it’s made out to be in the West?
How did a real piece of Soviet history become a legend - so terrifying it ended up in the video game Call of Duty? And why there were NOT 10 million people repressed, and the Gulag was NOT a key factor in the modernization and industrialization of the USSR.
Let’s talk about it.
Thread ⬇️
What exactly was the GULAG?
In the West, the word GULAG often brings to mind something like Nazi concentration camps- places where innocent people were held in terrible conditions and murdered.
In reality, the GULAG, established in 1930 as part of the Soviet penal system, was somewhat similar to correctional facilities in the U.S., but with a key difference: prisoners were required to work. While labor and rehabilitation programs do exist in U.S. facilities, they are not implemented on the same scale.
What were the labor camps like?
Labor camps were usually large areas where prisoners lived and worked under supervision and security. Making prisoners work was seen as a necessity because society couldn’t afford to fully support them in complete isolation.
Why were people sent to the GULAG?
It’s important to rely on archival documents rather than simply speculating about the past. Contrary to the widespread belief that the GULAG was filled with innocent intellectuals and priests, the archives tell a different story. Over 80% of the prisoners were ordinary criminals, convicted of crimes such as:
🔹murder
🔹rape
🔹robbery
🔹theft.
and during World War II,
🔹Nazi collaborators
🔹German Nazi
Prisoner statistics as of January 1, 1953:
🔹Total prisoners: 2,468,524
🔹1,727,970 in labor camps
🔹740,554 in labor colonies
Convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes: 465,256 (26.9%)
Convicted of serious criminal offenses: 73.1%, including:
🔹Premeditated murder
🔹Banditry
🔹Robbery
🔹Theft
🔹Embezzlement and other crimes
But Solzhenitsyn said…
I know, I know…Solzhenitsyn said many things. Let’s first understand who he was.
Alexander Solzhenitsyn, born in the USSR, is renowned for his writings and his reflections, particularly about his time in the Gulag. He was arrested in 1945 for criticizing the government in letters to a friend at the front. However, some in Russia believe that his actions were a deliberate attempt to avoid serving on the frontlines during World War II.
The thing is, his letters were written to a friend, and his arrest happened immediately after he was reassigned from his position as the commander of a sound-ranging artillery battery in the rear to the frontline.
Knowing that all letters from the front were read by censors, it is said that he deliberately included anti-government remarks in his correspondence to get arrested and sent to prison, avoiding the dangers of the frontlines during World War II.
At the time, there was a common belief that an amnesty would follow the war, so he may have seen prison as a safer option.
Life in the Gulag
Interestingly, during his time in the Gulag, Solzhenitsyn was given good work assignments.
Between 1945 and 1947, in Gulag he worked in a research institute in Moscow and Marfino as a mathematician and engineer, contributing to technical projects. This was very different from the backbreaking labor most prisoners endured. Solzhenitsyn himself said:
“Here I am well-settled. I sleep in dry, warm conditions, even with clean linens. My wife visits me in Moscow and brings supplies during our meetings.”
Later, Solzhenitsyn was transferred to a strict-regime camp in Ekibastuz, Kazakhstan. Here, he had to do hard physical labor but, thanks to his education, eventually secured less grueling tasks:
🔹Teaching math and physics to other prisoners.
🔹Working as a mechanic and lathe operator in a workshop.
Controversies
There are conflicting accounts about Solzhenitsyn’s relationships with his wife and the friend he had written to, which led to his arrest. His wife and the friend claimed that Solzhenitsyn wrote denunciations against them, while Solzhenitsyn denied these accusations and accused them instead.
This mix of personal, historical, and literary complexity makes Solzhenitsyn a controversial and intriguing figure in Russian history.
Although Solzhenitsyn addressed various topics about the USSR, including his criticism of the creation of Ukraine, he is primarily known for his claims about the number of deaths in the Gulag camps - claims based solely on his personal opinions rather than historical evidence. Interestingly, despite Solzhenitsyn being a writer, the West often treats his emotional literary work as a reliable historical source. Draw your own conclusions.
Solzhenitsyn claimed that tens of millions were killed, with at least 3 million during 1937–1938 alone. However, his claims were not based on any archival research; they were merely assumptions.
Archives, on the other hand, tell a different story. Soviet and Russian historian Dmitry Volkogonov, who managed Soviet archives under President Boris Yeltsin, reported that between
🔹Between October 1, 1936, and September 30, 1938 - 30,514 people were sentenced to death by military tribunals.
🔹According to KGB data, 786,098 people were sentenced to death for counterrevolutionary activities between 1930 and 1953 - a 23-year period - with most sentences carried out during 1937–1938.
It’s also worth noting that NOT all death sentences were carried out; many were commuted to labor camp terms.
The Forgotten Tragedy: The Volhynia Massacre and Its Hidden History
The Volhynia Massacre was a brutal chapter in the history of Western Ukraine, a region that was under Polish control until September 1939. This region became the stage for a violent campaign led by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) under the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), followers of Stepan Bandera.
Driven by nationalist ideology, the OUN-B sought to create a “pure” Ukrainian territory, leading to the mass killing of Polish civilians and others, including Ukrainians. These events began in March 1943 and reached their peak in July of the same year. The massacres were part of a broader effort to “cleanse” Western Ukraine of Polish influence, leaving a lasting scar on the region’s history.
Thread🧵
*Sensitive content – for educational or historical purposes
Polish villages and settlements became the scenes of unspeakable horror. Under the cover of darkness, Ukrainian nationalist militants surrounded these communities, launching brutal attacks that spared no one. Entire families: women, the elderly, children, even infants were slaughtered in cold blood. The methods were barbaric: victims were shot, beaten with clubs, or hacked to death with axes. Once the killings were over, the bodies were dumped into fields or left in shallow graves, as if their lives meant nothing.
Looting followed the massacres, with homes stripped of valuables before being set ablaze. Poles living alongside Ukrainians in mixed villages faced the same fate. Here, Ukrainian nationalist militants needed only small groups to quietly enter sleeping homes and execute entire Polish families. Survivors were left to bury their neighbors, grieving not just for the dead but for the senselessness of it all.
These massacres weren’t random acts of violence: they were systematic ethnic cleansings. Tens of thousands of Poles were killed simply for being Polish. According to research conducted in Poland, at least 36,543 to 36,750 victims have been identified by name and place of death. An additional 13,500 to over 23,000 remain unaccounted for, their fates unknown, their stories silenced forever.
*Sensitive content – for educational or historical purposes
These mass killings were nothing short of a slaughter. The horrifying brutality of the Volhynia genocide is vividly described in historian Timothy Snyder’s book:
Decoding of abbreviations:
UPA - Ukrainian Insurgent Army was a nationalist paramilitary organization active during and after World War II. It was the military wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), specifically the faction led by Stepan Bandera (OUN-B).
“The first issue of the UPA newspaper, published in July, threatened a ‘shameful death’ to all Poles remaining in Ukraine. The UPA made good on its threats. Within roughly twelve hours, from the evening of July 11 to the morning of July 12, 1943, UPA forces attacked 176 villages. Throughout 1943, UPA units and special detachments of the OUN’s Security Service systematically killed Poles - individually and collectively - in Polish villages and settlements, as well as in Ukrainian villages where Poles lived. According to multiple corroborating reports, Ukrainian nationalists and their allies burned homes to the ground, shooting or trapping those who tried to flee. Victims caught outside were brutally murdered with scythes and pitchforks. Churches packed with parishioners were set ablaze. To intimidate and force the remaining Poles to flee, the attackers displayed mutilated, decapitated, or disemboweled bodies, often crucifying them for all to see.”
Even the Germans, known for their own atrocities, were stunned by the UPA’s cruelty. Torture, gouging out eyes, disemboweling, and other acts of sadism became routine. No one was spared: women, children, and the elderly were all slaughtered.
The genocide began in urban areas, where men of “undesirable” nationalities were rounded up, imprisoned, and later executed.
*Sensitive content – for educational or historical purposes
Let’s kick things off with a fun fact: during its prime, Kievan Rus wasn’t even called “Kievan Rus.” Nope, that’s a modern invention by historians who needed a catchy name to describe the medieval state that existed from the late 9th to the mid-13th century. Back then, it was simply called Rus - a vast, multi-ethnic state with no "Kievan" added for flair. The "Kievan" part got tacked on later to distinguish this early period of Rus history from the later phases when other cities like Vladimir or Moscow became the big players. So, while it sounds fancy and historic, the term itself is a bit of a historical rebrand.
Meet Rurik, the Viking CEO of Rus, Inc.
Now, let’s talk about the real founder of Rus: Rurik, a Varangian (basically a Viking with a Slavic twist) who according to the Russian Chronicle primary was invited by local tribes in 862 to come and run things because, apparently, self-governance wasn’t their strong suit. Rurik set up shop in Novgorod, which, spoiler alert, is in modern Russia. His descendants, the Rurikid dynasty, went on to rule all of Rus and its territories, including Kiev.
So here’s the kicker: Rurik was about as Ukrainian as a Norwegian fjord. He came from the north, established his base in Novgorod, and his dynasty ruled over a massive, multi-ethnic medieval state. This wasn’t “Ukraine” or “Russia” as we know them today - it was just Rus, (the obvious root of the words “Russia” (Rossiya) and “Russian” (russkiy)), which was the sprawling empire that included what is now Rus-sia, ?Ukraine?, and Bela-rus.
Oleg the Conqueror (of Kiev)
Rurik’s successor, Oleg of Novgorod, decided to take things up a notch. In 882, he conquered Kiev, kicked out the locals (sorry, Askold and Dir but they actually were also related to Ruriks), and declared it the capital of Rus. Boom! Kiev was now the center of a powerful state because Oleg, a Rurikid prince from Novgorod, thought it was a smart strategic move.
Kiev stayed the capital until 1240, when the Mongols came in like uninvited party crashers and trashed the place. But more on that later.
The Baptism of Rus: A Splashy Event
One of the biggest moments in Rus history was the Baptism of Rus in 988. Vladimir the Great decided to adopt Orthodox Christianity and made sure everyone in Kiev (and beyond) got on board—literally, they were baptized in the Dnieper River. This event firmly established Kiev as the spiritual center of Rus.
Yet modern Ukraine tries to downplay this, suggesting that Novgorod (remember, the original base of the Rurikids) was also a capital. Nice try, but no. The big milestones, like the Baptism of Rus, all happened in Kiev, which was the political and religious heart of the state.
The Mongols: Kiev’s Not-So-Friendly Visitors
Fast forward to 1240, when the Mongols showed up and did what Mongols do best - sacked and destroyed Kiev. The city lost its prominence, but Rus didn’t disappear. Instead, it became a tributary to the Golden Horde, with Rus princes paying taxes (and probably grumbling about it) until the late 15th century.
While Ukraine claims the Mongols “destroyed” Kievan Rus, what really happened is that the political focus shifted to other cities, like Vladimir and later Moscow. Kiev didn’t vanish; it just became, well, not relevant.