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Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Sep 18

🧵[1/11] This is the most important piece I’ve ever written — I’ve put it into a thread on X.

@guardiannews' latest ‘documentary’ isn’t journalism. It’s propaganda: the Der Stürmer playbook, recycled to agitate, manipulate, and turn people against Jews.

If you want to understand how Neo-Nazism and Islamist antisemitism are being mainstreamed today, you need to read this. Please share — the danger is real.

The Substack link for the full article is in the last post of the thread.

[2/11] Once a Vice journalist, @matthewcassel has become a full-time anti-Israel propagandist, smuggling his agitprop into the BBC, NYT, and The Guardian. His latest film, Our Genocide, masquerades as a documentary. In reality, it is a sly exercise in omission, distortion, and demonization.

The film opens with Cassel strolling along Tel Aviv’s beach, marveling at families enjoying the summer sun. Then comes the hammer: just sixty kilometers south, he tells us, lies Gaza, where “rights groups are saying there’s a genocide and famine.” The camera does the rest — bikinis and cocktails here, rubble and suffering there. No context, just a moral trap.

[3/11] What Cassel is selling is an insidious dichotomy: if Israelis dare to swim, laugh, or live normally, they are complicit in “genocide.” Resilience is recast as indifference, survival as criminal. The fact that Tel Aviv has lived under rocket fire for two decades — with sirens interrupting weddings, classrooms, and playgrounds — is erased. The fact that on October 7, Hamas butchered, raped, and burned alive 1,200 Israelis? Deleted. Has Israel fought off genocidal armies since its birth? Inconvenient, so cut from the script. The trick is simple: erase Hamas, erase October 7, and then hold up Jewish normalcy as evidence of Nazi barbarism—Voilà: a blood libel with a new soundtrack.

Read 11 tweets

Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Aug 25

[1/9] Although I was not alive to feel the relief the world must have experienced when Nazi Germany collapsed and Hitler’s death was headlined in newspapers across the globe, I am old enough to remember the emancipation and unity we felt when the Berlin Wall fell in November 1989, crushing the suffocating grip of communist Russia on Eastern and Baltic Europe. I had arrived in Germany just three years earlier as an Iranian refugee child, fleeing the Islamic fascism of the mullahs and the devastation of the Iran–Iraq war. Both the end of WWII and the fall of the Wall were moments when humanity seemed to agree on the necessity of defending democracy and pluralism against the hydra of totalitarianism — and two of its most wicked heads: National Socialism and Communism.

And yet, less than a century later, the old demons are back. History has repeated itself, proving how little we have learned.

[2/9] Some ideologies behave like parasitic spirits. They do not vanish when their hosts are destroyed; they hover, waiting for a body already weakened by humiliation, hatred, or hunger for revenge. German National Socialism should have died with Hitler in his bunker, just as Communism should have faded with the implosion of the Soviet Union. Instead, their ghosts crossed into the Arab world — a region primed by wounded pride, dreams of lost empire, and the supremacist certainties of Islam. Amin al-Husseini and Gamal Abdel Nasser opened the door, and Yasser Arafat became the perfect vessel. The parasite adapted to its new host, mutating Islam's doctrinal antisemitism into Arab National Socialism — the same demons from Berlin and Moscow, now speaking Arabic and waving the pan-Arab "Palestinian" flag instead of the red-framed swastika.

[3/9] But how could the gates of hell reopen without anyone noticing? Because, contrary to comforting illusions, they were never closed.

In 1941, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the former Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, fled British pursuit and resurfaced in Berlin. That November, he met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Joachim von Ribbentrop. Installed as a Nazi client, he became a tireless propagandist, broadcasting in Arabic from Berlin and fusing Hitler's racial antisemitism with Qur'anic demonology that cast Jews as conspirators and enemies of Islam. He helped recruit Muslim fighters for the Waffen-SS, most infamously the Bosnian "Handschar" Division, and called for jihad against the Jews in British Mandate Palestine years before Israel's independence. Husseini was not merely a collaborator. He was the ideological bridge who translated Nazism into an Islamic idiom and gave it a new cultural home.

Read 9 tweets

Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Jul 27

🧵[1/13] After the latest massacre of the Druze by Al Jolani's jihadists in southern Syria, Mosab Hassan Youssef—the son of a Hamas leader—shared an image I had nearly forgotten. It was Mohamed Elomar, the Australian Muslim who left his country to join ISIS and decapitate "infidels" for Allah. In the 2021 photo, Elomar stands triumphant, clutching two severed heads and grinning like a demon. Mosab captioned the image with a chilling verse from the Quran, Al-Anfal 8:12: 'I will cast terror into the hearts of the disbelievers. So strike their necks and strike their fingertips.'

And once again, the same questions surged: How can anyone—after 47,000 Islamic terrorist attacks since 9/11—still believe that Islam is a religion of peace? What happened to common sense? More urgently: what happened to our survival instinct?

[2/13] We are told—almost ritually—that Islam is merely misunderstood. Yet its sweeping claim to govern everything from diet to sex to the afterlife rests on two deeply problematic foundations: the idea that Muhammad was the perfect man, and that the Quran is the perfect book. If the Quran is infallible and final, why does it produce such radically different interpretations—from quietist scholars to bloodthirsty jihadists? Why is the Islamic world so persistently trapped in cycles of violence and so uniquely resistant to reform? These aren't abstract theological puzzles. They are civilizational and moral failures—and they demand reckoning.

[3/13] The so-called "misunderstanding" is a product of a fundamental paradox within Islamic scripture and tradition. The Quran is not a coherent moral code—it is a calculated fusion of contradictions. It preaches peace while commanding war, offers tolerance while demanding submission. The doctrine of naskh, or abrogation, deepens this ambiguity by allowing the later militant verses from Muhammad's Medina period to override the earlier, more conciliatory ones from Mecca—mirroring the prophet's radical transformation from an illiterate merchant and marginal preacher into a sword-wielding political warlord.

Read 13 tweets

Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Jun 23

https://twitter.com/MedvedevRussiaE/status/1936765645498257620

🧵 [1/7] It’s crucial to focus on Medvedev’s intention to understand his latest post—
A masterclass in Soviet-style performative deterrence, cloaking imperial panic in bluster.

Let me explain.

https://twitter.com/MedvedevRussiaE/status/1936765645498257620

[2/7] On one hand, he mocks the U.S. strike as ineffective, suggesting Iran wasn’t truly harmed. On the other hand, he threatens nuclear escalation: “Countries may supply nuclear warheads to Iran.”

So which is it?
- The U.S. failed—Iran is fine.
- But strike again, and we’ll make Iran unstoppable?

[3/7] These can’t both be true.
If Iran is truly fine, why float the idea of arming it with nukes?
If the strike was so ineffective, why is the Kremlin screeching like a wounded animal?

Read 7 tweets

Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

May 5

🧵 [1/10] There isn't a day that passes without some headline or viral post exposing the subversive machinations and soft power jihad of Qatar — a tiny, oleaginous state with a population of just 2.6 million, roughly half the size of Berlin's, of which only 400,000 are ethnic Qataris. The rest? A precarious mix of expats and imported labor. Since the late 1990s, Qatar has been tirelessly infiltrating Western academia, higher education, and political institutions with billions in oil and gas money, all while buying up real estate in the most coveted quarters of Western metropolises.

But the Qatari project extends far beyond real estate and elite capture. They've bought their way into major media corporations, cultural institutions, and the film industry. Simultaneously, they've funneled billions into Islamic NGOs, schools, and mosques across Europe and North America — while also financing far-left NGOs that agitate against Western values from within.

[2/10] Qatar's support for terrorism and its efforts to destabilize the West has become so conspicuous that even Donald Trump — a man who made plenty of deals with Doha — publicly called them out for funding terrorism, explicitly referencing their support for Hamas, Al-Qaeda affiliates, and the Muslim Brotherhood. This wasn't Trump's first warning shot. During the Gulf diplomatic crisis in 2017, he sided with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt in their isolation of Qatar, stating that Doha had "historically been a funder of terrorism at a very high level."

To understand the ambitions of this ultra-nationalist, pan-Islamic kingdom, where Holocaust denial stands at 79%, among the highest in the world, we must take a step back. How did this modest fishing tribe morph into the most influential financier of global terrorism? What ideology fuels its ambitions?

[3/10] Historically, Qatar was little more than an arid, resource-poor outpost in the Persian Gulf, populated by Bedouin tribes and small fishing communities. Its economy revolved around pearling and modest trade with nearby powers like Bahrain, Oman, and Persia. The ruling Al Thani family rose to prominence in the mid-19th century by consolidating tribal power and securing British protection. Oil exploration began in the 1930s, with exports starting in 1949. But the fundamental transformation came later, with the discovery of the colossal North Dome gas field shared with Iran.

Qatar declared independence in 1971, remained politically conservative, and aligned with Saudi Arabia for decades. But in 1995, a radical shift occurred when Crown Prince Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani deposed his father in a bloodless palace coup — the rise of a dynastic usurper who would redraw the region's ideological map.

Read 10 tweets

Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Apr 7

🧵[1/7] European governments are walking a tightrope over an active volcano. After decades of importing tribal, theocratic, and antisemitic ideologies, our societies have fragmented in ways we haven't seen since the Second World War. The only political beneficiaries are the far left and far right, whose appeal grows exponentially as the establishment erodes its credibility.

At the heart of this breakdown lies a uniquely European neurosis—post-WWII guilt—and its ideological offspring, neo-Universalism. Made in Germany, this moral and psychological phenomenon is the source of Europe's refusal to deal honestly with Islamic extremism and uncontrolled migration and defend its own cultural identity.

[2/7] A History of Extremes

Germany has long been a crucible of powerful ideological systems—some brilliant, others catastrophic. One must understand the German need for predictability, moral order, and system-building to understand its post-war mindset. This national character has produced both Beethoven and bureaucratic genocide.

When ideas take hold in the German mind, they're rarely moderate. They are developed with rigorous precision, often to their logical—and illogical—extremes. Calvinism and Lutheranism, though born in Wittenberg and Geneva, both took deep root in German soil. These traditions embedded notions of moral rigor, predestination, and an inseparable relationship between divine order and political authority. Centuries later, we see echoes of these traits in ideologies like Nazism—with its twisted sense of moral destiny—and Marxist communism, conceived by another German thinker, Karl Marx. Today’s neo-Universalism, which tries to erase all differences in the name of equality, is merely the latest chapter—an eerie mirror image of old German universalism. Instead of one Reich, we are now offered one global justice paradigm.

Each new ideology emerges as a "corrective" to the last—but always with a new blind spot, a new form of moral arrogance, and a new potential for destruction.

[3/7] From Guilt to Submission

In Escape from Freedom, German-Jewish psychologist Erich Fromm traced the authoritarian personality back to Protestant roots and argued that Lutheranism and Calvinism planted the psychological seeds for fascism: an all-powerful God, predestination, and the individual's desperate need for external validation in a chaotic world provided fertile ground. These movements stripped away the comforting rituals of Catholicism, leaving individuals alone with their guilt—anxious, morally isolated, and primed to seek relief in authority.

The fascist state became a psychological surrogate—a new father figure offering certainty and moral clarity.

Nazism, then, was not a historical accident but a culmination of a long ideological arc. After the collapse of Nazi Germany, the pendulum violently swung back toward socialism and, later, postmodernism.

Read 8 tweets

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