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Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

May 5

🧵 [1/10] There isn't a day that passes without some headline or viral post exposing the subversive machinations and soft power jihad of Qatar — a tiny, oleaginous state with a population of just 2.6 million, roughly half the size of Berlin's, of which only 400,000 are ethnic Qataris. The rest? A precarious mix of expats and imported labor. Since the late 1990s, Qatar has been tirelessly infiltrating Western academia, higher education, and political institutions with billions in oil and gas money, all while buying up real estate in the most coveted quarters of Western metropolises.

But the Qatari project extends far beyond real estate and elite capture. They've bought their way into major media corporations, cultural institutions, and the film industry. Simultaneously, they've funneled billions into Islamic NGOs, schools, and mosques across Europe and North America — while also financing far-left NGOs that agitate against Western values from within.

[2/10] Qatar's support for terrorism and its efforts to destabilize the West has become so conspicuous that even Donald Trump — a man who made plenty of deals with Doha — publicly called them out for funding terrorism, explicitly referencing their support for Hamas, Al-Qaeda affiliates, and the Muslim Brotherhood. This wasn't Trump's first warning shot. During the Gulf diplomatic crisis in 2017, he sided with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt in their isolation of Qatar, stating that Doha had "historically been a funder of terrorism at a very high level."

To understand the ambitions of this ultra-nationalist, pan-Islamic kingdom, where Holocaust denial stands at 79%, among the highest in the world, we must take a step back. How did this modest fishing tribe morph into the most influential financier of global terrorism? What ideology fuels its ambitions?

[3/10] Historically, Qatar was little more than an arid, resource-poor outpost in the Persian Gulf, populated by Bedouin tribes and small fishing communities. Its economy revolved around pearling and modest trade with nearby powers like Bahrain, Oman, and Persia. The ruling Al Thani family rose to prominence in the mid-19th century by consolidating tribal power and securing British protection. Oil exploration began in the 1930s, with exports starting in 1949. But the fundamental transformation came later, with the discovery of the colossal North Dome gas field shared with Iran.

Qatar declared independence in 1971, remained politically conservative, and aligned with Saudi Arabia for decades. But in 1995, a radical shift occurred when Crown Prince Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani deposed his father in a bloodless palace coup — the rise of a dynastic usurper who would redraw the region's ideological map.

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Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Apr 7

🧵[1/7] European governments are walking a tightrope over an active volcano. After decades of importing tribal, theocratic, and antisemitic ideologies, our societies have fragmented in ways we haven't seen since the Second World War. The only political beneficiaries are the far left and far right, whose appeal grows exponentially as the establishment erodes its credibility.

At the heart of this breakdown lies a uniquely European neurosis—post-WWII guilt—and its ideological offspring, neo-Universalism. Made in Germany, this moral and psychological phenomenon is the source of Europe's refusal to deal honestly with Islamic extremism and uncontrolled migration and defend its own cultural identity.

[2/7] A History of Extremes

Germany has long been a crucible of powerful ideological systems—some brilliant, others catastrophic. One must understand the German need for predictability, moral order, and system-building to understand its post-war mindset. This national character has produced both Beethoven and bureaucratic genocide.

When ideas take hold in the German mind, they're rarely moderate. They are developed with rigorous precision, often to their logical—and illogical—extremes. Calvinism and Lutheranism, though born in Wittenberg and Geneva, both took deep root in German soil. These traditions embedded notions of moral rigor, predestination, and an inseparable relationship between divine order and political authority. Centuries later, we see echoes of these traits in ideologies like Nazism—with its twisted sense of moral destiny—and Marxist communism, conceived by another German thinker, Karl Marx. Today’s neo-Universalism, which tries to erase all differences in the name of equality, is merely the latest chapter—an eerie mirror image of old German universalism. Instead of one Reich, we are now offered one global justice paradigm.

Each new ideology emerges as a "corrective" to the last—but always with a new blind spot, a new form of moral arrogance, and a new potential for destruction.

[3/7] From Guilt to Submission

In Escape from Freedom, German-Jewish psychologist Erich Fromm traced the authoritarian personality back to Protestant roots and argued that Lutheranism and Calvinism planted the psychological seeds for fascism: an all-powerful God, predestination, and the individual's desperate need for external validation in a chaotic world provided fertile ground. These movements stripped away the comforting rituals of Catholicism, leaving individuals alone with their guilt—anxious, morally isolated, and primed to seek relief in authority.

The fascist state became a psychological surrogate—a new father figure offering certainty and moral clarity.

Nazism, then, was not a historical accident but a culmination of a long ideological arc. After the collapse of Nazi Germany, the pendulum violently swung back toward socialism and, later, postmodernism.

Read 8 tweets

Maral Salmassi

@MaralSalmassi

Mar 24

🧵 [1/9] I recently had a passionate debate with a German friend about whether Islam lies at the root of the dysfunction in Islamic societies and whether it can be reformed. Like many of my privileged Western liberal friends, his understanding of the Islamic world seems to rest on a brief visit to the Egyptian pyramids and perhaps a guided city tour through Istanbul. He offered the usual well-meaning but tired arguments I've heard countless times. When I asked whether he had read the Quran or the Hadiths, he admitted he hadn't yet insisted that Islam wasn't the problem—it was merely a matter of interpretation. He proceeded to recite the familiar affirmations that most Muslims are peaceful, that Christianity, too, had a violent past, and that the Jewish and Christian scriptures were no better than the Quran.

Not long ago, I would have grown impatient with this confident display of theological, historical, and cultural ignorance. But over time, I've learned to remain composed. After years of dealing with modern Orientalism and the soft bigotry of low expectations, I've decided to become the most annoying educator of these oblivious, suicidal fools. I am convinced—beyond doubt—that Islam has become the most dangerous ideology of our time due to its theological impossibility to reform.

[2/9] Claiming to be more than just a spiritual path, Islam explicitly defines itself as a perfect, final, and all-encompassing truth. Sura 3:7 states that only Allah knows the true interpretation of its verses—effectively closing the door to human reinterpretation. Sura 5:3 states that Islam is a perfected religion. Sura 11:1 describes the book as flawless in wisdom and clarity, and Sura 2:2:16 denies the human ability to judge. These verses assert divine authorship and inaccessibility; thus, the Quran cannot be altered, questioned, or reinterpreted. It is a closed loop impervious to reform.

[3/9] There is a persistent attempt among Western thinkers and Muslim reformists to divide Islam into a spiritual, peaceful Meccan phase and a later, political Medinan phase—as if we could somehow return to that early innocence. But this argument dissolves under scrutiny. The Medinan chapters of the Quran, where Muhammad gained political and military power, are not just an addendum—they represent a doctrinal shift. A quarter of the Medinan Quran focuses on Jihad, 21 percent of the Bukhari Hadiths revolve around warfare, and two-thirds of the Sirah—the biography of the Prophet—is concerned with conquest. These are not marginal themes; they constitute the doctrinal core. Muhammad's first thirteen years in Mecca earned him a measly 150 followers. It was only after he embraced Jihad in Medina—using violence as a method of proselytization—that Islam began to spread rapidly. Without Jihad, there would be no Ummah, no Islamic civilization as we know it.

Another persistent fallacy is the conflation of moderate Muslims with moderate Islam—a dangerously misleading confusion. We should indeed be thankful that most Muslims are morally better than Muhammad and choose to live peacefully. But this has no bearing on the doctrine itself. Most so-called moderate Muslims do not follow Islam as mandated in the Quran and Hadiths. They either ignore or reinterpret the Medinan verses and, in doing so, practice a private, unofficial version of Islam that has little to do with its canonical form. Islam, however, defines itself very clearly. It is not up to individual Muslims to redefine it. The belief that personal conscience can override divine decree is, in fact, antithetical to the very structure of Islam.

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