One symptom of what’s wrong with American higher education is how bad *people with PhDs* are at thinking and talking about the political Right.
They might have a PhD, but they haven’t learned much about the political ideas they don’t like.
Three thoughts:
1. Many academics will simply admit they have no idea what conservatism is. “What even is conservatism? You mean Rush Limbaugh/Donald Trump? Why would students need to learn that?”
Imagine a crowd of PhDs asking “What even is liberalism, you mean like Rachel Maddow? Who needs to learn that?”
2. Many just think of everyone on the “right” as just one big undifferentiated blob: Burke, Oakeshott, Maistre, and Scruton (if these names are known at all) are all of a piece with Ayn Rand, Nozick, Hayek, Margaret Thatcher, Donald Trump, Joseph McCarthy, Franco, and Fox News. It’s one bad team, connected via one shadowy network.
Understanding politics on Left requires careful distinctions and nuance: it’s important to distinguish the 8 varieties of Marxism and 13 shades of democratic socialism. The Right? Just a blob.
3. Many have just two categories to associate with conservatives: reactionary and fascist.
“Reactionary” is typically just used to refer to people who don’t like whatever the Left happens to be on about at the moment.
“Fascist” is typically just used to refer to anyone who values patriotism and feels attached to a place and way of life.
I don’t know how to fix this. I’ve seen lots of syllabi from faculty and grad students over the years, from all kinds of institutions. There’s little interest in exposing students to “bad ideas,” at least with much charity.
Instructors don’t want to “platform” these ideas. And they certainly don’t want to risk students coming to believe them.
One final point: “Democrats’ understanding of Republicans actually gets worse with every additional degree they earn.”
Democrats *without* high school diplomas do much better than PhDs. The current education system simply isn’t helping.
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"I attempt to explain why cultural preservation is important and, in particular, why it is important enough to justify immigration restrictions. As will become clear, this is an argument that is rarely made in philosophy."
"Name anything of considerable value—beauty, courtesy, freedom, friendship, justice, knowledge, prosperity, security, “belonging”—and either it will be part of some culture or there will be cultural mechanisms such as institutions, dispositions, customs, and norms to protect and promote it."
"Presumably, there is a moral presumption in favor of everything that is of considerable value: liberty and human rights, for example, but also the continued existence of certain cultures. In fact, the two are arguably bound up with one another. Liberty at the level of society requires that certain institutions and norms are in place. Hence, to have a presumption in favor of liberty is ipso facto to prefer a certain kind of culture."
Epistemologist wonders why Harris lost and suggests one big reason is that Republicans rely on "misinformation."
It cannot be understated how many PhDs cannot fathom the possibility that people disagree with them because they actually understand and reject their ideas.
Meanwhile, this kind of "misinformation" is commonplace and few academics seem interested in using it to explain left-wing voting.
If you ask a different set of questions you'll find highly educated progressives giving wildly inaccurate answers.
1. Independence Thesis — Political theorizing can and should be done free from prior normative constraints (and, in particular, independently from the claims of moral theory).
2. Correspondence Thesis — Principles for evaluating political orders tend to become less useful as the theories in which they are embedded become more idealized and abstract.