1/11
Thread: Has Madina always been revered as the ‘Holy City’ in Islam?
In my forthcoming article, “Debating the Origins: The Sanctity of Madina in hadith Narratives” (Journal of Islamic Studies), I examine the origins of Madina’s sanctification by analysing 27 hadith variants that indicate the Prophet himself sanctified the city during his lifetime. In the article, before applying the isnad-cum-matn analysis to these hadiths, I engage with Harry Munt’s The Holy City of Madina, which offers an alternative perspective. Presented below is a brief critique of Munt’s work, as excerpted from my forthcoming article.
While I have offered some critiques, I must acknowledge that the book remains one of the finest contributions to the subject.
Thread: Has Madina always been revered as the ‘Holy City’ in Islam?
In my forthcoming article, “Debating the Origins: The Sanctity of Madina in hadith Narratives” (Journal of Islamic Studies), I examine the origins of Madina’s sanctification by analysing 27 hadith variants that indicate the Prophet himself sanctified the city during his lifetime. In the article, before applying the isnad-cum-matn analysis to these hadiths, I engage with Harry Munt’s The Holy City of Madina, which offers an alternative perspective. Presented below is a brief critique of Munt’s work, as excerpted from my forthcoming article.
While I have offered some critiques, I must acknowledge that the book remains one of the finest contributions to the subject.
2/11
In The Holy City of Madina, Harry Munt examines how Madina’s sanctity emerged and solidified over the first three centuries of Islam. He argues this was neither immediate nor uniform, but developed gradually. Munt contends that early Muslim caliphs and scholars bolstered Madina’s sacred status to legitimise their authority, linking it to the Prophet Muhammad. By aligning themselves with the Prophet, they fortified their religious and political standing. Central to Munt’s thesis is the idea that Madina’s sanctification was shaped by later needs and narratives, rather than stemming solely from its historical ties to the Prophet.
In The Holy City of Madina, Harry Munt examines how Madina’s sanctity emerged and solidified over the first three centuries of Islam. He argues this was neither immediate nor uniform, but developed gradually. Munt contends that early Muslim caliphs and scholars bolstered Madina’s sacred status to legitimise their authority, linking it to the Prophet Muhammad. By aligning themselves with the Prophet, they fortified their religious and political standing. Central to Munt’s thesis is the idea that Madina’s sanctification was shaped by later needs and narratives, rather than stemming solely from its historical ties to the Prophet.
3/11
He identifies “two main problems” with standard Muslim accounts of Madina’s sanctity. First, Munt notes that the Qur’an highlights Mecca’s status while Madina is rarely mentioned at the same level, challenging claims of an early, continuous recognition of Madina’s primacy.
He cites traditions like “prayer in the Prophet’s Mosque is worth one thousand prayers anywhere else,” suggesting these might conflict with Mecca’s prestige explicitly stated in the Qur’an. Yet, I argue that such phrasing in the Arabic language is often figurative, indicating abundance rather than literal superiority.
He identifies “two main problems” with standard Muslim accounts of Madina’s sanctity. First, Munt notes that the Qur’an highlights Mecca’s status while Madina is rarely mentioned at the same level, challenging claims of an early, continuous recognition of Madina’s primacy.
He cites traditions like “prayer in the Prophet’s Mosque is worth one thousand prayers anywhere else,” suggesting these might conflict with Mecca’s prestige explicitly stated in the Qur’an. Yet, I argue that such phrasing in the Arabic language is often figurative, indicating abundance rather than literal superiority.
4/11
Second, Munt observes a lack of chronological clarity in Hadith about when Muhammad allegedly declared Madina sacred. He views this as evidence that the city’s sanctity was progressively adopted rather than defined at a single point in time.
Second, Munt observes a lack of chronological clarity in Hadith about when Muhammad allegedly declared Madina sacred. He views this as evidence that the city’s sanctity was progressively adopted rather than defined at a single point in time.
5/11
He frequently employs negative evidence; emphasising the absence of explicit references to Madina’s holiness in early texts or archaeological findings. However, I argue that this approach risks oversimplifying incomplete historical records. Historians of early Islam commonly contend with fragmentary and incomplete records, and dismissing a tradition solely for lacking near-contemporary corroboration risks oversimplifying the complexities of early textual transmission, where preservation and circulation were heavily shaped by the immediate concerns of local communities.
He frequently employs negative evidence; emphasising the absence of explicit references to Madina’s holiness in early texts or archaeological findings. However, I argue that this approach risks oversimplifying incomplete historical records. Historians of early Islam commonly contend with fragmentary and incomplete records, and dismissing a tradition solely for lacking near-contemporary corroboration risks oversimplifying the complexities of early textual transmission, where preservation and circulation were heavily shaped by the immediate concerns of local communities.
6/11
Munt also cites Qur’anic verses emphasising that God is everywhere, questioning how sacred sites can exist alongside divine omnipresence (Munt, 7–8). Munt’s assertion that sacred spaces in monotheistic traditions conflict with the omnipresence of God is not as problematic as he suggests. In Quranic tradition, sacred spaces serve as symbolic loci that reflect the interaction between the divine and God’s most exemplary creation like Abraham. These spaces, like Kaba, commemorate moments where individuals of exceptional faith have demonstrated their devotion and serve as tangible reminders for others to aspire to similar levels of piety (Q.2:124-128).
Munt also cites Qur’anic verses emphasising that God is everywhere, questioning how sacred sites can exist alongside divine omnipresence (Munt, 7–8). Munt’s assertion that sacred spaces in monotheistic traditions conflict with the omnipresence of God is not as problematic as he suggests. In Quranic tradition, sacred spaces serve as symbolic loci that reflect the interaction between the divine and God’s most exemplary creation like Abraham. These spaces, like Kaba, commemorate moments where individuals of exceptional faith have demonstrated their devotion and serve as tangible reminders for others to aspire to similar levels of piety (Q.2:124-128).
7/11
Munt also quotes the marginal views of some Muslim commentaries suggesting God refused to make Moses’ community fully chosen: “According to some commentators on the Qurʾān, one of the reasons for God’s refusal to grant Moses’ request that He make his community the chosen one is that the Israelites would not make prayer places (masājid) of the entire earth, but would instead pray only in the synagogue (kanīsa).” (Munt, 6)
I note that the Qur’an does refer to the Jews as God’s chosen people, though not in the same unqualified manner found in the Hebrew Bible, where their chosenness stems from Abraham’s covenant with God, devoid of any conditions or qualifications. The Qur’an similarly refers to the Jews as God’s chosen people: “Children of Israel, remember how I blessed you and favoured you over all people” (Q. 2:47). However, other verses clarify that this chosenness relates to the fact that God sent many prophets to guide and save them ( Q. 62:6) which concurs with the broader Qur’anic narrative, where the favour shown to the Children of Israel or Christians and Muslims is conditional upon their adherence to divine guidance and nothing to do with tribal, ethnic, or religious identity (Q. 49:13).
Munt also quotes the marginal views of some Muslim commentaries suggesting God refused to make Moses’ community fully chosen: “According to some commentators on the Qurʾān, one of the reasons for God’s refusal to grant Moses’ request that He make his community the chosen one is that the Israelites would not make prayer places (masājid) of the entire earth, but would instead pray only in the synagogue (kanīsa).” (Munt, 6)
I note that the Qur’an does refer to the Jews as God’s chosen people, though not in the same unqualified manner found in the Hebrew Bible, where their chosenness stems from Abraham’s covenant with God, devoid of any conditions or qualifications. The Qur’an similarly refers to the Jews as God’s chosen people: “Children of Israel, remember how I blessed you and favoured you over all people” (Q. 2:47). However, other verses clarify that this chosenness relates to the fact that God sent many prophets to guide and save them ( Q. 62:6) which concurs with the broader Qur’anic narrative, where the favour shown to the Children of Israel or Christians and Muslims is conditional upon their adherence to divine guidance and nothing to do with tribal, ethnic, or religious identity (Q. 49:13).
8/11
Munt compares the evolving sanctity of Madina to shrines like that of Aḥmad Yasavī, which gained sacred status over time. I argue that Madina’s unique ties to the Prophet and Islamic theology render this analogy highly tenuous.
Munt compares the evolving sanctity of Madina to shrines like that of Aḥmad Yasavī, which gained sacred status over time. I argue that Madina’s unique ties to the Prophet and Islamic theology render this analogy highly tenuous.
9/11
Although Munt is generally suspicious of Muslim traditions, he, like many other scholars, accepts the historicity of the so-called Constitution of Madina with little hesitation. He then seeks to counter one of the key challenges to his thesis, namely that this likely historical document references a “ḥaram” (sanctuary) of Madina. Munt argues that the Prophet’s motive in establishing such a sanctuary was purely political (Munt, 61)
In other words, he contends that Madina’s sanctification had nothing to do with the Prophet’s religious mission (Munt, 62). However, Munt’s argument appears tenuous and even contradictory. He initially dismisses Muslim traditions about Madina’s sanctity, yet the same contemporary evidence he cites actually supports the idea that the Prophet sanctified Madina as a religious act.
Although Munt is generally suspicious of Muslim traditions, he, like many other scholars, accepts the historicity of the so-called Constitution of Madina with little hesitation. He then seeks to counter one of the key challenges to his thesis, namely that this likely historical document references a “ḥaram” (sanctuary) of Madina. Munt argues that the Prophet’s motive in establishing such a sanctuary was purely political (Munt, 61)
In other words, he contends that Madina’s sanctification had nothing to do with the Prophet’s religious mission (Munt, 62). However, Munt’s argument appears tenuous and even contradictory. He initially dismisses Muslim traditions about Madina’s sanctity, yet the same contemporary evidence he cites actually supports the idea that the Prophet sanctified Madina as a religious act.
10/11
Munt also attributes shifts in Madina’s status partly to Umayyad and Ḥanafī scepticism, proposing that state policy and legal opinions influenced the city’s perceived holiness. Detractors respond that juridical rulings do not necessarily reflect broader historical reality.
Munt also attributes shifts in Madina’s status partly to Umayyad and Ḥanafī scepticism, proposing that state policy and legal opinions influenced the city’s perceived holiness. Detractors respond that juridical rulings do not necessarily reflect broader historical reality.
11/11
Overall, Munt’s study raises important questions about the processes through which Madina’s sanctity took shape. However, Munt does not sufficiently interrogate the theological and symbolic implications of the Prophet potentially adopting a pre-Islamic practice of designating sacred space—especially in light of his central claim to be restoring the monotheistic tradition of Abraham. The widespread Near Eastern custom of regarding any place where the divine manifested as holy raises a further question: why interpret Madina’s sanctification purely as a political strategy on the Prophet’s part if such an act harmonises with a longstanding religious ethos in the region?
Overall, Munt’s study raises important questions about the processes through which Madina’s sanctity took shape. However, Munt does not sufficiently interrogate the theological and symbolic implications of the Prophet potentially adopting a pre-Islamic practice of designating sacred space—especially in light of his central claim to be restoring the monotheistic tradition of Abraham. The widespread Near Eastern custom of regarding any place where the divine manifested as holy raises a further question: why interpret Madina’s sanctification purely as a political strategy on the Prophet’s part if such an act harmonises with a longstanding religious ethos in the region?
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