the one stating what a panel is/does. She tabled a new version, which at last stipulated that the panel must hear from the person seeking an assisted death. (N.B. the panel still does not have to question them, or the doctors).
There was no prior communication to the (2/12)
committee members about the change.
Why does it matter? This is an improvement, isn't it? Well, withdrawing the old clause meant that all the amendments other MPs had drafted to it became null & void- including those saying that the panel *should* have to ask questions.
(3/12)
You can't amend something that isn't being put into the Bill.
So, MPs' offices were left scrabbling around on Friday morning to redraft & retable once they realised- Friday was itself already past the deadline for tabling amendments to be debated on the following Tuesday,
(4/12)
but the Chairs made an exception.
We've now had the debates on panels, & move on to the next bit of the Bill. That's critical to understand about how a Bill committee works- you can only debate what's been tabled by the time you get to that bit, with no going back.
(5/12)
This is a perfect example of why many of us think the process has been the wrong one from the start. Policy is being developed on the hoof, those trying to scrutinise are running to keep up, & once a clause is voted on, it's done.
See also when the Chief Medical Officer (6/12)
made the committee aware of an error in his oral evidence, about the law on people's mental capacity to make major decisions.
It's normal to make slip-ups when discussing complex matters. If this had been an early meeting with civil servants, he (7/12)telegraph.co.uk/news/2025/02/1…
could have clarified a few days later, with final decisions on the content of the Bill unlikely to have been made in that timeframe.
What happened instead? By the time he realised & communicated the error, the committee had moved past the clause on capacity law. Too late! (8/12)
All amendments relating to that clause had already been rejected by a majority of the committee, some quoting the very evidence from Whitty that he later said was incorrect.
This is nothing short of farcical; it is no way to make robust law on matters of life & death. (9/12)
With 3/4 days left for committee, it's not too late to change course. MPs can vote against at the next stage (5 hours of Commons debate in which most members won't get to speak). I know many share the concerns.
Alternatively, the Govt could refuse to give it more time. (10/12)
We could then work up something properly informed & scrutinised, that fits our NHS and legal systems instead of the US systems it's been copied from.
And that's my answer to the "people who oppose this Bill will never be happy" narrative.
I said I'd reserve judgment & (11/12)
wait for the committee to do its work, despite my concerns.
I'm now clear: in 15+ years of a policy career, I've never seen a Bill less up to scratch. The subject is simply too important & complicated for Parliament's quickest & dirtiest process.
It should not progress.
(12/12)
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I really did mean to take a day off tweeting about the Assisted Dying Bill.
But then the detail on the new panels came out..
My summary:
1) Let's be clear: neither the new Voluntary Assisted Dying Commissioner nor the "legal chair" of the panel will be acting as a judge. (1/?)
They might *also* be sitting- or retired- judges. But they will not be acting as a judge in the new roles. The panels are not courts- people won't give evidence on oath etc. That is very clear from the amendment text.
Continuing to suggest this has any judicial involvement (2/?)
is, I'm afraid, downright misleading.
But wait! There's talk of the panels being subject to judicial review- isn't that judicial involvement?
Yes- in the same circs as where a judicial review of any public decision is available now. E.g. the panel acts beyond its powers, (3/?)
As indicated in various tweets, I think the House of Commons should vote against the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill on Friday, & am going to do one thread to summarise why.
I'm a Labour member & councillor, & just did a year as an adviser, chiefly in Opposition, (1/18)
so I'm speaking as a supporter.
I think this Bill & process are fundamentally flawed.
Since it's apparently necessary to say so, I'm an atheist. I'm also an instinctive liberal who supports the principle that people should have the right to die without needless suffering.(2/18)
But MPs will not be voting on a principle: if they pass this Bill, they are making law.
And the way that they are being asked to approach it- without detailed evidence & proper external consultation- is setting them up to make bad law.
It's encouraging to see many MPs saying they're taking the assisted dying debate seriously.
But I've come to the view it shouldn't have been a PMB. MPs instinctively go into campaign mode when they have a PMB (look at all these people who agree with me, ignoring criticisms etc).
It's no secret that it's the govt who wanted this debate to happen- as I personally agree it should because I instinctively support the principle, but *only* if the safeguards work.
I think a panel or a (royal) commission with a call for evidence would be the right way to do it.
I want to see (or know that MPs have seen) a detailed comparison with comparable regimes in other countries, including rigorous auditing of how their safeguards have worked.
I want to know what it will mean for medical ethics- do existing processes & guidance need to change?
If anyone would find some broader context useful here (the Daily Mail evidently would not), the proposal to create new aggravated offences on the grounds of disability, sexual orientation & transgender identity come from the Law Commission. And crucially:> dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1…
Their detailed and considered proposals also include introducing "explicit protection for “gender critical” views, criticism of foreign governments, and discussion of cultural practices, and immigration, asylum and citizenship policy" into the hate crime regime.
On pronouns:>
It's only in v limited cases of deliberate harassment that using the pronouns that are not the ones a transgender person would prefer is any kind of offence. And if it's not a crime, it can't be a hate crime.
I know why people are anxious, but this really is Daily Mail stirring.
I've not said loads here about my experience of getting initially blocked as a Labour candidate for my mainstream & legally accurate view on sex as a protected characteristic. No point- we're returning to a sensible level of debate, & I have friends to do the therapy part!
But..
..there's one point I do think is worth making, after an exchange this week. Some gentle advice & indeed a warning to well-intentioned people, including those who may have thought all along that what was happening to women like me was A Bit Rum, but who didn't get involved. (2/?)
It's simply this: don't tell us not to talk about it.
There are 2 reasons for this. Firstly, the political one: not talking about it, in the sense of acknowledging there are different views held in good faith & that proper consultation & discussion is the answer, is how we (3/?)