Kostas Moros Profile picture
Mar 20 64 tweets 21 min read Read on X
Alright, I think I'm the last one getting to it as I was driving when this released, but time for a thread on the en banc Duncan ruling.

For those not as informed, this loss was 100% expected. it's the same panel as the 2020 en banc, and the same exact result, 7-4. For the judges in the majority, Bruen clearly changed nothing because they decided this result before even thinking about the relevant law. We all know it, and it's important we be open about that, as dissenting judges have been in the past.

But in an important way, this is actually a win on timing. They could have held onto this for way more time. Instead, CRPA can seek cert, and maybe even be considered alongside Snope.

This thread is also a historic one because I have to figure out how to cover the first-ever video dissent!Image
Bruen was clear that judges are not supposed to engage in interest balancing, and yet every hostile ruling on magazines or "Assault weapons" begins by heartstring-tugging about mass shootings.

Besides being wrong on the law, it's also wrong on policy. California's laws have not stopped it from having a disproportionate share of mass shootings.Image
Heller was clear that an arm includes everything someone takes into their hands to cast at or strike another, citing founding-era dictionaries. Image
And how on earth does a magazine not fit this definition? Image
Ammo boxes still exist. No one is arguing those are arms. Magazines are distinct from them.

And this existed in the 19th century too; a Winchester rifle's fixed magazine was clearly part of the arm, but a puch with extra ammo carried by the wielder is not.

Magazines being removable today doesn't change that they are arms.Image
You can literally do this with every part of the gun. By itself, a trigger is harmless. By itself, a barrel is harmless. Hell, by itself even ammunition is harmless. It's a minor firecracker if not set off in a barrel. Image
The Ninth Circuit says that while a magazine may be necessary to use a firearm and therefore gets some protection, there is no need for a "large capacity" magazine.

And who gets to define what "large" is? The government, of course! Just like Bruen intended! 🤣Image
Ummm we have a suppressor case brief coming up next week....kinda seems like the en banc panel is giving Sanchez an L before our brief is even submitted.

We'll have to rely on SCOTUS nuking Duncan for any chance, I guess. Image
What a perversion of founding intent to pretend that the same people who recognized a right to resist tyranny would endorse a ruling like this. Image
Also, on that prior post, they say "a broad range of arms."

But they are totally going to uphold a ban, as they have before, on the most common rifle in the country!
Well, this is a minor win in an otherwise terrible ruling. Image
First of all, you can absolutely fire a levergun faster than "one round every three seconds."

But second, they gloss over the far bigger takeaway; gun technology went through a giant leap to go from single-shot muzzleloaders to repeating arms. Yet NOT ONE STATE BANNED THEM.

That's your historical tradition right there.Image
The first historical analogy is gunpowder storage rules, which:

1. Didn't block you from owning gun powder; and
2. Were not about dealing with intentional violence.

Totally different how, totally different why. They are not even remotely similar. This isn't like Rahimi where the historical laws cited at least were on the topic of disarming dangerous people. This is completely unconnected.Image
Trap gun laws restricted a way of setting up a gun such that it would fire if the trap was sprung. Not even close to the same as entirely banning a type of arm. Image
By this logic of course, you could ban handguns.

And I have no doubt that this en banc panel would uphold a handgun ban if they could. They will uphold just about everything except what the Supreme Court has specifically said is protected. Which is why SCOTUS needs to take more cases.Image
But they ignore that by the end of the 19th century, as @davekopel has written about, there were either no possession bans on bowie knives, or very few such bans (I forget which) Image
@davekopel Hmm. I'm noticing something legislatures did NOT do. Image
This is stupid. The gunpowder storage laws typically only applied to large amounts of gunpowder stored in particular locations. They were nothing like a magazine possession ban.

They were more like a zoning regulation, really. Image
This is hilarious coming from the court that has upheld (and will uphold) "assault weapon" bans.

But they do qualify it with "lawful."

I guess the right that shall not be infringed is buying guns the government says are approved. Image
This is abject nonsense. The Supreme Court was clear in Bruen that in addition to "how" and "why", the degree of burden imposed matters too.

If a historical law is vaguely similar, but imposed a dramatically lesser burden than the modern law, the comparison is not valid.

For example, in Boland, California pointed to a couple of outlier states that had barrel-proofing laws. They argued those were similar to the California handgun roster, because they too just make sure guns are "Safe". But the burdens they impose are way more than merely making sure a gun's barrel won't explode when you fire it.Image
Again, they say all this, but will totally uphold a ban on the most common rifles in the country next.

Totally shameless panel. Image
I love how they always grasp their pearls and say "Plaintiff's argument would mean the government can't do something, could you imagine?!?!"

Yes, I could imagine. It's a right that says it "shall not be infringed." Image
There are only 176,000 because the federal government effectively banned them in 1986.

But I agree that machine guns are arms and should be subject to the historical analysis. A real one; not the trash the Ninth Circuit did here. Image
They don't understand, or refuse to understand, that the Second Amendment is about empowering the people, It doesn't matter if it would be convenient or not for the government.

The founders intended an expansive right that the people could use to defend themselves, defeat foreign invaders, and topple tyrants who overthrew our constitutional government.Image
Judge Berzon wrote a separate opinion to complain about VanDyke making a video, becuase God forbid judges convey their message in an effective manner.

These people just hate that someone can point out how ignorant they are about firearms. Knowing anything about guns is haram. Image
Oh my God, Berzon's concurrence is like 14 pages long to complain about a video. Sorry guys, I just can't.

Skipping to the dissents. Image
We can now cite this line forever. Thank you Judge Nelson. Image
Great stuff from Bumatay on why the majoity erred by just accepting at face value the designation of "large capacity magazines." Image
Bumatay says the majority basically just revived interest-balancing by another name, and he's of course right. Image
Bumatay all but screams at the Supreme Court for help. Will they answer? We'll see soon! Image
Bumatay explains why magazines are not accoutrements by actually citing examples of accoutrements in historical context. The majority did not do this (for obvious reasons). Image
And if California made the limit 5 rounds, or 1 for that matter, the 9th would work even more magic. Image
Hackish analysis always crumbles under any scrutiny, as Bumatay demonstrates here. Image
Sorry for the delay, other commitments.

This is a great point from Bumatay too. He's just way more sharp than the majority. Image
Exactly. The broad problem with the majority is they still treat the Second Amendment as a very narrow exception to the government's presumed power to ban everything they want.

It's intended to be a broad right that can only be infringed on very narrow grounds. Image
It really is extraordinary how the majority's basic response to the "common use" language is basically "Well we don't like that, and SCOTUS can't possibly have meant what they said!" Image
Great point. All these years later, the Ninth Circuit is STILL relying on Breyer's Heller dissent and treating it like the majority opinion. Image
Exactly, these sorts of laws were not even enough to save New York in Bruen, which was about carry.

So how could they possibly justify possession bans? The majority did not bother to address this! Image
This is what's most telling. The clear historical tradition and principle is that arms were never categorically banned. Various regulations may have existed, particularly if you do tolerate 19th century analogues. But never full bans. Image
The powder storage laws are so poor a comparison that it's stunning the panel even used them. They are totally shameless. Even SCOTUS has rejected this comparison in the handgun ban context, so why would it be persuasive here? Image
Bumatay ends with a broader analytical criticism of the Ninth Circuit's approach, which of course, is a return to interest balancing by another name. Image
I've read the "nuanced approach" to be the analogical discussion. Whereas if there is no new technology or societal concern, you don't do analogues at all and you look for "distinctly similar" historical laws. Image
While he doesn't go as far as doing a video like VanDyke, Judge Bumatay does also get creative in his takedown of the hack majority opinion, using a table to compare what they said pre-Bruen to now, and how little it changed.Image
Image
Superb dissent by Bumatay. He can have the second SCOTUS vacancy.

But now it's time for the best circuit judge in the country....LET'S GO!

VanDyke begins by pointing out that SCOTUS already vacated the last Duncan ruling. What a crazy coincidence that under the new analysis, the 7 judges in the majority reached identical conclusions! Wow!Image
THANK YOU!

I feel like I am taking crazy pills with even many good judges going along with the supposed "two part test" of Bruen.

No, there is only one part. And if there is a two-part test, that first part is very simple to meet. Image
And here is the video that sparked so much controversy and rage.

I really don't see the problem, and I do think they are mad at him because visual representations make their absurd arguments all the more easy to expose.

Basically, this is similar to the rage at Thomas for citing those @gunpolicy drawings in Cargill.Image
Haha VanDyke making the point I made early in this thread about how no part of a firearm, in a vacuum, is an arm in and of itself. Image
💀 Image
Ya, that's pretty much the majority holding, stated more honestly. Image
VanDyke just brings out the flamethrower here. I love it. Image
Well, the answer is that they will uphold all gun laws...except what the Supreme Court has expressly struck down. Image
I argued exactly this in our amicus brief for the Nguyen matter. I also pointed out a list of cases in which California argued - surprise! - they always get to use the "more nuanced approach." Image
Like Bumatay, VanDyke points out how the majority is just repackaging its prior conclusions. Image
VanDyke explains the damage that will come from this ruling (if not reversed by SCOTUS). Image
Excellent point here about how the majority completely ignores how the law affects law-abiding people. Image
VanDyke points to an example of an incident when ten rounds was not enough.

BTW, congrats to Mr. Joyner on his off-roster Glock 43! LEO exemptions are nice 🤣 Image
VanDyke concludes by responding to Berzon's criticism of his video....hilariously. Image
VanDyke is running circles around his colleagues, jeeze. Image
💀💀 Image
Yep. This is what I noted earlier. Pictures and video really expose the ignorance of antigun judges. Which is why they hate them. Image
Incredible work by VanDyke here in concluding. Image
The video is fun - VanDyke jokes about how his production values will fall far short of what we are used to, but I think that just adds to the charm of it.

In sum, this ruling was exactly what we expected when the Ninth Circuit questionably took this as a "comeback" case to the exact same 11-judge panel (which they did to make sure there was no chance of a conservative panel roll).

The Supreme Court vacated and remanded their last ruling so they could redo it in light of Bruen. They kicked it all the way back down to the district court to waste two and a half years. And then, they reached the exact same ruling. Not one of the 7 judges in the majority changed their position even with Bruen shredding their prior interest-balancing method. They just repackaged their same logic into a Bruen/Rahimi costume, and issued it again.

So now the games are over.

This case has been pending since 2017. It has already been vacated and remanded by SCOTUS once. It is a final judgment case with a lengthy record. The Ninth Circuit has, as Judge Nelson put it, given the Supreme Court the middle finger and refused to budge from their prior result. If SCOTUS does not intervene, thousands of Californians with "freedom week" magazines will permanently be dispossessed of their property (or become criminals).

The stakes couldn't be higher, and there are NO EXCUSES for the Supreme Court to deny cert. If they deny even this, then the message is clear: they are hanging the Second Amendment out to dry and didn't really mean what they said in Bruen.

I hope they grant cert in this case, Snope, or both, and we finally put this issue of bans on common arms to bed.
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More from @MorosKostas

Jul 14
The Third Circuit released its ruling in US v. Harris, a case concerning 18 U.S.C. §922(g)(3) and its intersection with marijuana usage.

Second Amendment Foundation has a pending lawsuit on a similar issue called Greene v. Garland, which deals with individuals who use medical marijuana, so I thought I'd take a look at what the Court said in Harris. A thread.Image
Before I begin, you can see more about @2AFDN's case Greene v. Garland here:

saf.org/greene-v-garla…
As is often the case with these sorts of criminal matters, the criminal defendant often isn't the model of good behavior, so you run into the "bad facts make bad law" scenario frequently. Image
Read 28 tweets
Jun 24
At this point everyone following the NFA debate is well aware of then-Attorney General Cummings’ famous testimony in which he justified the NFA as a tax measure. When asked how the NFA “escaped” the Second Amendment, Cummings replied:

“Oh, we do not attempt to escape it. We are dealing with another power, namely, the power of taxation, and of regulation under the interstate commerce clause. You see, if we made a statute absolutely forbidding any human being to have a machine gun, you might say there is some constitutional question involved. But, when you say, “We will tax the machine gun” and when you say that “the absence of a license showing payment of the tax has been made indicates that a crime has been perpetrated,” you are easily within the law.”

In anticipation of the Parliamentarian’s imminent ruling on whether the HPA and SHORT Act provisions merged into the reconciliation bill survive the Byrd rule, below are a bunch of cases over the years from the Supreme Court and federal circuit courts also saying clearly that the NFA is a TAX. They prove that the government has long defended the NFA in court as a tax. Several plaintiffs and petitioners challenging the NFA over the years including in some of the cases listed below, even argued the NFA is not really a tax but rather a regulation, so it should be struck down. Courts rejected that argument.

The NFA can’t now conveniently be characterized as something other than a tax because it suits the powers that be of Gun Control Inc. If the Parliamentarian rules against our side on this, she should be ignored. It would be an utterly partisan ruling. Taxes can be eliminated via reconciliation, as taxes are inherently budgetary measures.

If the NFA was allowed to live for so long because it was a tax, it can be killed in reconciliation because it is a tax. No eleventh hour convenient recharacterizations should be tolerated.

“Petitioner does not deny that Congress may tax his business as a dealer in firearms. He insists that the present levy is not a true tax, but a penalty imposed for the purpose of suppressing traffic in a certain noxious type of firearms, the local regulation of which is reserved to the states because not granted to the national government. . . But a tax is not any the less a tax because it has a regulatory effect. . . Here the annual tax of $200 is productive of some revenue. We are not free to speculate as to the motives which moved Congress to impose it, or as to the extent to which it may operate to restrict the activities taxed. As it is not attended by an offensive regulation, and since it operates as a tax, it is within the national taxing power.”

Sonzinsky v. United States, 300 U.S. 506, 512-514 (1937).

“Section 5851 forms part of the National Firearms Act, an interrelated statutory system for the taxation of certain classes of firearms. . . We do not doubt, as we have repeatedly indicated, that this Court must give deference to Congress' taxing powers, and to measures reasonably incidental to their exercise. . ..”

Haynes v. United States, 390 U.S. 85, 87, 98 (1968).

“As we stated above, the NFA is part of a comprehensive scheme to levy and collect taxes upon the making and transfer of certain firearms. The NFA's regulatory provisions need only bear a “reasonable relation” to the statute's taxing purpose.”

United States v. Aiken, 974 F.2d 446, 448 (4th Cir. 1992)

“To the contrary, it is well-settled that § 5861(d) is constitutional because it is ‘part of the web of regulation aiding enforcement of the transfer tax provision in § 5811. Having required payment of a transfer tax and registration as an aid in collection of that tax, Congress under the taxing power may reasonably impose a penalty on possession of unregistered weapons.’"

United States v. Gresham, 118 F.3d 258, 262 (5th Cir. 1997) (citing United States v. Ross, 458 F.2d 1144, 1145 (5th Cir.1972)).
“Grier raises, lastly, the issue of whether the NFA remains on sound constitutional basis given the FOPA's enactment. When the constitutionality of the NFA was originally challenged in the Supreme Court, the Court interpreted the NFA as a revenue raising measure passed under Congress' taxing authority. In Sonzinsky v. United States, 300 U.S. 506, 57 S.Ct. 554, 81 L.Ed. 772 (1937), the Court stated that the NFA “[o]n its face [was] only a taxing measure” and that any indirect regulatory effects of the taxes did not undermine Congressional authority to pass the law under its taxing power. Id. at 513, 57 S.Ct. 554. Grier argues that with the enactment of § 922(o ) the NFA's function as a revenue generating scheme was eliminated and, in the process, the constitutional legitimacy of the NFA was destroyed.

The six circuits that have rejected Dalton' s view on the FOPA's implicit repeal of the NFA have also rejected Dalton' s position that the NFA lacks a constitutional basis after the enactment of § 922(o ). The Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, for example, reasoned that though the ATF “chooses not to allow tax payments or registration [of machine guns], it still has the authority to do so. Thus, the basis for ATF's authority to regulate-the taxing power-still exists; it is merely not exercised.” Ardoin, 19 F.3d at 180. More importantly, the Supreme Court has stated that “[a] statute does not cease to be a valid tax measure ... because the revenue obtained is negligible, or because the activity is otherwise illegal.” Minor v. United States, 396 U.S. 87, 98 n. 13, 90 S.Ct. 284, 24 L.Ed.2d 283 (1969). The Court's position is particularly applicable to the NFA which, despite § 922(o ), still retains some revenue generating capacity. As the Government notes, “to the extent that it remains lawful under § 922(o ) to transfer machineguns manufactured before May 1986, those transfers require the payment of tax.”

United States v. Grier, 354 F.3d 210, 215 (3d Cir. 2003)

“The registration provision works hand-in-glove with taxes that the statute imposes on the transfer and manufacture of firearms covered by the Act.”

United States v. Thompson, 361 F.3d 918, 920 (6th Cir. 2004)
“The National Firearms Act is facially constitutional. The Act, 26 U.S.C. §§ 5801 et seq. , regulates firearms, including “destructive device [s],” id. § 5845(a)(8), and requires the taxation and registration of firearms by manufacturers, possessors, transferors, dealers, importers, and sellers. See United States v. Aiken, 974 F.2d 446, 447 (4th Cir.1992). The Supreme Court has upheld the Act based on the taxation power of Congress, Sonzinsky v. United States, 300 U.S. 506, 514, 57 S.Ct. 554, 556, 81 L.Ed. 772 (1937), and we have upheld the Act in a decision involving a “destructive device.” United States v. Ross, 458 F.2d 1144, 1145 (5th Cir.1972). “Congress under the taxing power may reasonably impose a penalty on possession of unregistered weapons.” Id.; see also United States v. Gresham, 118 F.3d 258, 262 (5th Cir.1997) (“[I]t is well-settled that [the Firearms Act] is constitutional because it is ‘part of the web of regulation aiding enforcement of the transfer tax provision in [the Act].’ ” (quoting Ross, 458 F.2d at 1145)).

Spoerke's argument that the Act is unconstitutional as applied to him because pipe bombs are unlawful and cannot be taxed fails. “[T]he unlawfulness of an activity does not prevent its taxation.” Dep't of Revenue of Mont. v. Kurth Ranch, 511 U.S. 767, 778, 114 S.Ct. 1937, 1945, 128 L.Ed.2d 767 (1994). “A statute does not cease to be a valid tax measure because it deters the activity taxed, because the revenue obtained is negligible, or because the activity is otherwise illegal.” Minor v. United States, 396 U.S. 87, 98 n. 13, 90 S.Ct. 284, 289 n. 13, 24 L.Ed.2d 283 (1969). The constitutionality of the Act as applied to Spoerke does not depend on whether he is legally permitted to possess the pipe bombs. Gresham, 118 F.3d at 263.”

United States v. Spoerke, 568 F.3d 1236, 1245–46 (11th Cir. 2009)

“Cox and Kettler argue that the NFA exceeds Congress's power. We agree with the government, though: the NFA is a valid exercise of Congress's taxing power, as well as its authority to enact any laws “necessary and proper” to carry out that power.”

United States v. Cox, 906 F.3d 1170, 1179 (10th Cir. 2018)

“And, § 5861 is merely a taxing statute, so just as the “why” regulates firearms with characteristics uniquely suitable for criminal purposes, the “how” of the regulation has little impact on lawful possession for armed self-defense. Section 5861 does nothing to offend the Constitution that has stood as a bulwark between the people and governmental overreach for centuries. It simply makes those who desire a weapon likely to breach the peace register that weapon and pay a tax.”

United States v. Rush, 130 F.4th 633, 643–44 (7th Cir. 2025)
Read 4 tweets
Jun 14
Being in a depo all day with a brain a bit fried afterwards, I didn't get a chance to read the amicus brief filed by the United States in the four consolidated cases challenging the Illinois AWB and magazine ban, one of which I have worked on.

It's a very big deal for the Trump Administration to be backing us in this way, and not even waiting for it to get to the Supreme Court to do so. We are very grateful. Let's take a look at the brief!Image
The federal govt explains it is filing the brief pursuant to Trump's Second Amendment executive order, and so "lawabiding Americans in this Circuit are not deprived of the full opportunity to enjoy the exercise of their Second Amendment rights."

That's a big one. Right now, there are two Second Amendments in this country; the full version intended by the Founders, and the hollowed-out version the antigun states have implemented. That must not continue.Image
The federal govt openly embraces the common use test of protected arms. Image
Read 15 tweets
Jun 5
A quick thread on the ruling. Mexico's basic argument (well, really it is the argument of the American gun grabbers who aligned themselves with Mexico) was that S&W is liable for crimes in Mexico because their conduct falls within the "predicate exception" of the PLCAA. "That exception applies to lawsuits in which the defendant manufacturer or seller “knowingly violated a State or Federal statute applicable to the sale or marketing” of firearms, and the “violation was a proximate cause of the harm for which relief is sought.”"

Specifically, Mexico alleged "that the manufacturers were “willful accessories” in unlawful gun sales by retail gun dealers, which in turn enabled Mexican criminals to acquire guns. And it sets out three kinds of allegations relating to how the manufacturers aided and abetted retailers’ unlawful sales: The manufacturers allegedly (1) supply firearms to retail dealers whom they know illegally sell to Mexican gun traffickers; (2) have failed to impose the kind of controls on their distribution networks that would prevent illegal sales to Mexican traffickers; and (3) make “design and marketing decisions” intended to stimulate cartel members’ demand for their products. The District Court dismissed the complaint, but the First Circuit reversed, finding Mexico had plausibly alleged that defendants aided and abetted illegal firearms sales."

The Court held, 9-0:Image
Note that Mexico has a constitutional right to arms in its constitution just like we do.

This is our ghost of Christmas future. Words on a page don't mean anything if we allow our rights to be eroded. And Mexico didn't even buy themselves any safety with all their gun control.

Sure, they blame American guns, but their homicide rate is 6x our own, so that doesn't hold water.Image
This is a bullshit statistic. If I recall correctly, it's 90% of guns they ask the ATF to trace. But the majority of crime guns they make no such request for, because they know the guns aren't from the US. Image
Read 17 tweets
Jun 2
May as well do a proper thread on this. Read for my analysis/cope. Image
First up is Kavanaugh, in a statement respecting the denial of cert. (Basically a concurrence in denying it)

Not that it will matter until SCOTUS actually polices the antigun circuits, but Kavanaugh confirms we are right that:

a. there is a "common use" test. Antigun states have denied this, arguing there is no such test, or if there is, it's only "commonly used for self-defense."

b. it is historically-based (i.e., not part of the phony "plain text" analysis). Antigun states have argued it's at the plain text step.Image
Not strong enough to get granted cert now though, I guess? Image
Read 17 tweets
May 10
I've generally stopped doing threads on hardware rulings, because they are basically the same trash bad-faith analysis over and over again:

1. Declare that the guns or magazines at issue are not "arms."

2. Even if they are arms, banning them is analogous to pre-1900 restrictions on the concealed carry of certain weapons like bowie knives.

But since it's been a while since I've done such a thread, and the Washington v. Gator's Custom Guns ruling is short, I'll do a thread on it to shake off the rust.

This is a Washington State Supreme Court case about the state's magazine capacity law banning magazines of over ten rounds. It is not a federal case. However, the analytical flaws are the same.Image
Right from the start, they are unjustifiably limiting the scope of the right. The Second Amendment is NOT just about personal self-defense, and the language from the Supreme Court is that arms commonly used for lawful purposes are protected.

While magazines over ten rounds are commonly used for self-defense as millions of people carry such magazines daily, they are also used for target shooting, competitions, and in an extreme scenario, they would be used to resist foreign invaders or tyrant's armies.Image
Another tactic: get antigun academics to lend their credentials to utter bullshit, which antigun judges eat right up because a "Professor" said it.

In this case, Baron is smart enough to know that cartridge boxes are not the historical analog to magazines. Cartridge boxes still exist today. The analog to magazines today is....fixed magazines and cylinders in repeating rifles and revolvers. The fact that they are removable today does not make them not an "arm," nor does it make them just a mere cartridge box.

They are arms because they are undoubtedly part of the “weapon of offence” that a person “takes into his
hands, or useth in wrath to cast at or strike another.” District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 581 (2008) (citing founding-era dictionaries).Image
Read 12 tweets

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