(a) guidance is not law. It is guidance. EHRC codes of practice are issued under the Equality Act 2006, section 14. While they can (and will) be taken into account they are not determinative of legal position. Section 15 (4) makes that clear legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2006/3/s…
(c) the law in this case is found in the Equality Act 2010. The authoritative determination of the meaning of the language relating to sex, woman, and man in the 2010 Act is the decision of the supreme court in For Women Scotland Ltd v Scottish ministers [2025] UKSC 16
When a court reaches a decision on a question of law (such as on the meaning of legislation) the effect of that determination is retroactive. This follows from the declaratory theory of judicial law making whereby a judicial decision clarifies what the law is. The declaratory
theory is the normal approach in relation to judicial decision making, see for example Kleinwort Benson v Lincoln Council [1999] 2 A.C. 349 where the principle is explained in the speech of Lord Goff.
(d) cumulatively this means that disregarding the legal determination which is retroactive but has clearly applied since the date of the decision in FWS, pending a new code of practice, leaves a duty holder that does so at risk of legal action where they do not comply
This will be relevant, for example, to those duty holders who have public liability or other insurance which covers potential liabilities.
(e) much of the controversy is around the issue of self id. It was established that sex in the equality act was not based on self id in the first for women Scotland Ltd judicial review of the 2018 Act. The supreme court case is neutral on this, meaning this issue should have
Been dealt already by duty holders years ago
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This thread is, at best, disingenuous on parliamentary scrutiny. Scrutiny involves testing all substantive policies within legislation. Wrecking amendments may not be permitted but that does not mean that the job of MPs is not to test, question, ask for examples.
Legislation is drafted to implement policy. The parliamentary process is a key part of the testing for the policy, bg scrutinising the wording, implications, identifying if there are omissions, unintended consequences and the like.
This bill is compared to a government bill with a suggestion that more is being done. This is because government bills (generally) have had more consultation before going to parliament in the first place. There has been a statement of policy, consultation responses, those
The article by @danroan on the @twelve0fiveUK protests and the FA approach allowing natal males to play women's football sets out the FA position. The FA position demonstrates a lack of understanding of the legal position bbc.co.uk/sport/football…
The FA position is set out here.
It effectively suggests that lhe law is stopping it from implementing a policy such as is adopted in athletics and rugby and swimming. It suggests the test on excluding transwomen from women's football is one of strict necessity.
The language used almost appears to suggest that a blanket rule cannot be applied. And indeed the policy is indigidual focused. This is characteristic of the guidance offered by some lobbyists who have given training on equality legislation, rather than the positionin the Act.
Deeply uncomfortable at those attacking a colleague in relation to their research and teaching. The essence of academic freedom in a university is that we can present and test views, challenging perspectives and preconceptions. This applies to people you disagree with too.
Good faith argument on legal matters lies at the heart of a legal system and academic legal work. Develop and present arguments and test them. And teaching at its best will be informed by research, and good research is informed by the classroom too.
Seeing throwaway suggestions to an employer that someone should be sacked for holding views you disagree with is unacceptable.
i have found the Adams v ERCC case very upsetting today. The more I read of the judgment the more upset I found it.
This is a service which is for those at their most vulnerable. Trauma informed care would prioritise the service user (the survivor for want of a better expression)
but instead the service prioritised ideology over care, the interests of one member of staff over the interests of those using the service.
The signs were there when Wadhwa appeared on a podcast urging those who had been abused and sought single sex care to reframe their trauma.
The notion that your trauma response was invalid, a problem, something that should be put aside in the early days when you were seeking support. The notion that the service user was the problem.
If the first minister resigns office (rather than notifies intent to resign to allow a leadership election to take place) then there are 28 days to fill the vacancy - Scotland Act 1998, s 46 legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1998/46/…
the selection of first minister is then in accordance with standing order 11.10 of the Scottish Parliament standing orders. parliament.scot/about/how-parl…
there are two possible situations in nominations for first minister. Either, a. there is only one nominee - in which case standing order 11.10.5 applies; or b, there is more than one nominee in which case standing orders 11.10.6 - 9 apply.
The screenshot here are very interesting and suggest that the claim of drafting the Equality act was being used as a means of attempting to give additional weight to views on the meaning of the legislation, despite that being legally irrelevant.
It appears that Ms Clark has been claiming to have written or authored the act for some 5 and a half years on here. Sometimes the claim is that she wrote it.
Sometimes the claim of having helped write it is then used as a plea to her authority in determining meaning. This plea to authority has no legal value in interpretation. See agricultural services (wales) bill case 2014