🚨NEW | The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) — For Aid and Occupation
A newly formed and U.S.-backed private foundation forms the backbone of Israel’s new plan to control all humanitarian aid entering Gaza—68 days into a total siege that has driven the territory into catastrophic hunger.
The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) is being marketed as a secure and efficient alternative to traditional UN and NGO pipelines which Israel has systematically attacked and sought to dismantle. Staffed by U.S. military veterans, former officials, and corporate financiers, GHF promises to deliver aid to 1.2 million Palestinians through privately secured distribution hubs, with plans to expand to more than 2 million.
A closer look at the Foundation’s presentation documents obtained by Axios indicates it is likely to serve as a foreign-controlled proxy to militarize aid, sideline Palestinian institutions, and entrench a system of occupation under the guise of neutrality.
Here’s what to know: 🧵🔽
1. The Operational Model: Armored Aid Hubs and Biometric Control
GHF says it will establish four Secure Distribution Sites (SDS) inside Gaza, each designed to serve up to 300,000 people with food, water, hygiene kits, and medical supplies—scaling up to more than 2 million people over time. These aid hubs will be protected by private security contractors, not the Israeli military—but GHF states openly that all movement will be coordinated with the IDF and COGAT.
Aid, once inside the hub, will be distributed “with no eligibility requirements” and “based solely on need,” GHF says. But access to these hubs will first require passing through Israeli-controlled corridors—where biometric screening, facial recognition technology, and Israeli military approval apply. Once inside, aid is handed out; outside, access is filtered.
New reporting by Le Temps reveals that the broader Israeli plan will allow only 60 aid trucks per day into Gaza—ten times less than what entered during a brief ceasefire earlier this year. Armed personnel will oversee access to the aid zones, checking names and possibly screening individuals deemed “suspicious.”
Rights groups warn this creates a system of militarized aid—with the GHF footing the bill for private mercenary forces and operating under an Israeli security framework, not a humanitarian one.
2. A New Foreign Architecture for Gaza: Who’s Running It?
The organization is led entirely by U.S. and international actors, with no Palestinians involved in the leadership or oversight of the project.
It includes:
➤ Jake Wood, Executive Director (Team Rubicon founder, U.S. Marine Corps veteran)
➤ David Burke, Chief Operating Officer
➤ John Acree, Head of Mission (ex-USAID)
Board members include:
➤ Nate Mook, former CEO of World Central Kitchen
➤ Raisa Sheynberg, ex-U.S. Treasury (terrorist financing), now Mastercard VP
➤ Jonathan Foster, Wall Street financier
➤ Loik Henderson, corporate governance lawyer
Advisory board includes military and diplomatic officials, including:
➤ LTG Mark Schwartz, former U.S. Security Coordinator for Israel/PA
➤ Bill A. Miller, former UN and U.S. security official
➤ David Beasley, former head of the World Food Programme (pending confirmation)
Formally registered just months ago in Geneva, according to Le Temps, the group was incorporated with a Swiss lawyer, a U.S.-based legal consultant, and an Armenian financier on its board—none of whom have a background in humanitarian work.
There are no Palestinians in GHF’s governance or operational leadership.
3. GHF’s Model: Logistics, Security, and “Humanitarian Principles”
GHF says its model is designed to be independent, auditable, and free from interference by armed actors or governments. They emphasize strict compliance with the four pillars of humanitarian work: humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence. They add their only allegiance is to people in need.
Supplies will move through “secure humanitarian corridors” using armored vehicles, with perimeter security provided by professionals who previously secured the Netzarim Corridor during Israel’s ceasefire. GHF emphasizes that the IDF will not be present at SDS hubs, but acknowledges full coordination with Israeli military authorities to ensure movement and deconfliction.
Each SDS may become a staging area for further NGO activity, with GHF stating that they may offer “showers, restrooms, and operating spaces” for aid organizations that choose to co-locate. Long term, they envision “trusted community leaders” being trained to operate inside these systems—but that local role is not currently in place.
4. Who Controls the Pipeline—and Who’s Shut Out?
GHF describes itself as “neutral,” but its structure creates a parallel logistics regime in Gaza. All aid routed through its system must pass through Israeli-approved corridors—Ashdod or Kerem Shalom—and follow GHF’s internal tracking, security, and audit protocols. This system bypasses UNRWA, Palestinian NGOs, and long-established aid networks that previously served Gaza’s population.
GHF promotes its transparency to donors through real-time dashboards, audit trails, and tightly monitored logistics. Aid is priced at $1.31 per meal, with:
➤ $0.58 for procurement
➤ $0.67 for logistics, armored transport, security, and administration
Donors can contribute through three tightly controlled channels:
➤ Fund 50 full meals for $65
➤ Send goods-in-kind (food, hygiene, shelter)
➤ Fund an NGO willing to route its shipments through GHF’s system
While marketed under the language of humanitarian principles—humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence—GHF operates entirely within the architecture of Israel’s siege, with no participation or oversight from Palestinian civil society.
5. Financing and Oversight: Wall Street Meets Humanitarianism
GHF is embedded in elite Western financial infrastructure:
➤ It banks with Truist and JPMorgan Chase
➤ It is establishing a Swiss affiliate backed by Goldman Sachs
➤ And it is negotiating with Deloitte for auditing and has retained a top U.S. law firm for compliance
6. Replacing the UN? The Humanitarian Community Says No
GHF is emerging in direct conflict with the global humanitarian system. In recent weeks, Israel presented its new aid plan verbally to UN agencies, reportedly including biometric ID checks, restricted truck entries, and aid hubs guarded by private contractors.
In response, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) issued a firm rejection, warning that the plan “contravenes fundamental humanitarian principles” and would leave large parts of Gaza, including vulnerable populations, without supplies.
The UN Secretary-General, all UN agencies operating in Gaza, and the Humanitarian Country Team issued a joint statement declaring they will not participate in any scheme that violates the principles of humanity, impartiality, independence, and neutrality.
OCHA spokesperson Jens Laerke warned that the plan amounts to the “militarization of humanitarian aid,” saying it risks turning aid centers into military targets and tools of population control.
7. A New Aid System—or a Shadow Governance Project?
GHF insists it is focused solely on saving lives and presents itself as a pragmatic solution amid a collapsed aid system. But its structure—staffed by U.S. officials, guarded by private contractors, coordinated with the Israeli military, and funded through elite financial networks—represents a profound shift in who controls aid to Gaza.
There is no oversight by the people it claims to serve. Palestinian civil society, aid workers, and ministries are excluded. The aid it distributes flows through systems designed by and for foreign actors—under siege, under surveillance, and under occupation.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has described the objective of expanded operations in Gaza as the “occupation” of the territory and the establishment of a “sustained presence.” In that context, GHF’s aid hubs and security apparatus risk becoming not emergency infrastructure—but the scaffolding of a long-term foreign presence dressed in humanitarian language.
This is what U.S.-made weapons did to people eating at a restaurant and shopping in a crowded Gaza City market.
5 were killed and several others injured—mostly women and children—after an Israeli airstrike targeted the home of the Rayan family in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza.
More children were brutally killed in an airstrike east of Khan Younis
In an exclusive interview with Drop Site News—and in one of the most extensive English-language discussions with a senior Hamas official published by a Western outlet—Osama Hamdan spoke to @JeremyScahill about genocide, resistance, direct U.S. talks, and why disarmament in ceasefire negotiations remains a ‘million red lines’ for Hamas.
Below are 7 quotes from the interview that reveal how Hamas views this moment. 🧵🔽
1. On Why Israel Fears Hamas Talking Directly to the U.S.:
“I believe one of the reasons why the Israelis have assassinated some of the Palestinian leaders, it was because they have the chance to talk directly to the United States.
They want to prevent any kind of contact between the Palestinian resistance and the United States administration because they have a narrative that those are terrorists.
But when they talk to the administration, the administration discovered that they are freedom fighters and they have a political narrative and they have a political stand, and they are seeking to have a political solution. This is what the Israelis are trying to prevent, and this is what, I believe, the United States administration and the congressmen, they have to understand and they have to go to work according to that.”
2. On Whether a Ceasefire Would Have Happened if Kamala Harris Had Won the Election
“Well, I think it helped. If Kamala Harris won the elections, I think it will be the same policy of the Biden administration policy, which supported the Israelis totally, which they considered themselves as a part, which was not considered by Hamas or the Palestinians, but they bring themselves as a part of the war and the fight against the Palestinians.
We know that the Trump people, they have done a good job in order to make [the January ceasefire] happen. But it's not enough. We have to be honest and serious, it's not enough. When the meetings with Adam Boehler took place, there was a real possibility. This is why the Israelis were furious and they were angry.”
THREAD: On Monday, the House will vote on H.R. 867—a bill expanding the 2018 Anti-Boycott Act to cover boycotts promoted by the UN or other international governmental bodies.
But under current law, U.S. companies and individuals are already barred from complying with, or even failing to report boycott requests if they fall under boycotts promoted by foreign governments.
Here’s how U.S. law is being enforced to shield apartheid Israel from pressure: 🔽🧵
1. Kuwait Airways (2020)
Fined $700,000 for refusing to sell tickets to Israeli passport holders on its JFK–London route.
That refusal—part of Kuwait’s national policy—was enforced on U.S. soil. Under the 2018 law, foreign state-owned companies operating in the U.S. are prohibited from participating in foreign boycotts of Israel.
2. Forta Corporation (2023)
Fined ~$45,000 after agreeing to a UAE customer’s request to provide written certification that “no labor, capital, parts or raw material of Israeli origin [were] used” in the manufacture of the goods being shipped.
Forta is a U.S. manufacturer of synthetic fiber reinforcement used in roads and concrete. This certification amounted to furnishing prohibited boycott-related information.
It also failed to report the boycott request to the Commerce Department.
The UAE at that time participated in the boycott of Israel, and the request reflected a common boycott clause.
🚨NEWS: The House is set to vote Monday on H.R. 867, the “IGO Anti-Boycott Act,” which would punish Americans with fines of up to $1 million or prison terms up to 20 years for participating in boycotts of Israel or Israeli settlements that are promoted by international governmental organizations (IGOs), such as the UN or EU.
The bill, sponsored by pro-Israel lawmaker Rep. Mike Lawler, expands U.S. anti-boycott law to target voluntary, values-based political action by U.S. citizens. Its aim is to shield Israel from nonviolent international pressure campaigns such as BDS.
Rights groups say the legislation criminalizes constitutionally protected political expression and is part of a broader push to suppress opposition to Israeli genocide, apartheid, and illegal settlement expansion, under the guise of fighting antisemitism.
Here are plausible examples of how H.R. 867 could lead to Americans being penalized or criminalized for entirely voluntary, values-based actions:
1. A small business owner declines to stock settlement-made wine
A grocery store owner in California chooses not to sell wines produced in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, citing international law violations. If this decision aligns with an IGO recommendation—like one from the UN Human Rights Council—that could trigger penalties under H.R. 867.
2. A church follows a faith-based boycott policy
A progressive Christian denomination issues a statement encouraging its congregants to avoid doing business with companies operating in occupied Palestinian territory. A church member who follows that guidance could be seen as participating in an IGO-aligned boycott.
3. A student group urges divestment from settlement-linked companies
A campus group encourages their university to drop contracts with companies that provide services to Israeli settlements, citing recommendations from the UN. Under H.R. 867, participating students could be investigated for promoting a prohibited boycott.
4. An individual cancels a catering order over settlement goods
Someone discovers that a catering company sources its ingredients from Israeli settlements and cancels the order, referencing a UN database of companies operating in occupied territory. That personal decision could be framed as a violation.
5. A journalist publishes a “do not buy” guide
A writer publishes a guide listing companies involved in the occupation and encourages consumers to avoid them, referencing data from the Palestinian government. The act of publishing and advocating such a list could be penalized for promoting a boycott.
6. An investor divests from a company on ethical grounds
An American investor chooses to sell stock in a corporation doing business in Israeli settlements after reading an EU report urging businesses to withdraw. This divestment, if linked to IGO guidance, could be treated as illegal under the bill.
🧵NEW: Armed gangs are looting food warehouses across Gaza—and Israeli drones are reportedly targeting the police and volunteers trying to stop them.
Multiple sources, including eyewitnesses and journalists, say the gangs are backed by Israel.
Here’s what’s being reported: 🔽
2/ @TareqAzzom Gaza correspondent for Al Jazeera English, reports:
▪️ “Local gangs, reportedly backed by Israel, are looting what remains of Gaza’s food warehouses.”
▪️ Israeli forces, he says, have struck police officers who were trying to stop the thefts.
3/ One of the clearest firsthand accounts comes from a volunteer at a community kitchen in western Gaza.
He says armed gangs attacked their facility twice in one day.
The second time, they fired live rounds and broke into a food store serving 1,500+ families.
⚡️NEW: Israel Rejects Hamas Offer to Free All Israeli Captives and End Gaza Assault in Exchange for 5-Year Truce
Israeli officials have told local media there is “no chance” the government will accept Hamas’s latest proposal—a five-year ceasefire that would end the war on Gaza, allow for reconstruction, and secure the release of all Israeli captives. Instead, Israel is planning for ways to prolong the assault.
Here are five key things to know from the latest reports today:
1. Israel Rejects 5-Year Truce and Captive Release Deal
➤ Israeli officials told Yedioth Ahronoth and Times of Israel they will not agree to a hudna (truce) that would allow Hamas to “rearm, recover, and continue its war.”
➤ Hamas’s proposal, as confirmed by Drop Site News and Israeli media, offered to release all Israeli captives in Gaza in exchange for ending the war, a full Israeli withdrawal, reconstruction, and humanitarian aid.
➤ Israel refuses any deal that would halt its military campaign without “dismantling Hamas,” demanding disarmament—a red line for Hamas.
2. Netanyahu’s Government Prepares to Expand Gaza Assault
➤ Instead of advancing a deal to bring captives home, Israel’s security cabinet is reportedly convening again this week to discuss expanding military operations in Gaza (Maariv).
➤ This follows a weekend of extensive Israeli terror bombings in Gaza and prolonged siege conditions, with no clear plan for ending the war or securing captives’ release.