Karl Marx said he had discovered the scientific laws of economics.
Value came from labor.
Profit was theft.
Only central planning could build a just society.
But four Austrian economists—Menger, Böhm-Bawerk, Mises, and Hayek—tore his theory apart. 🧵
Marx said value comes from labor.
Carl Menger said: value comes from us.
In Principles of Economics (1871), he showed that value is subjective. It depends on the preferences of individuals—changing across people, places, and time.
A violin is priceless to a musician, worthless to someone else. Food is worth more to the starving than to the full.
Labor doesn’t determine value.
Human needs do.
Marx said capitalists exploit workers.
Eugen Böhm-Bawerk introduced a different explanation: time preference.
Workers value present income. Capitalists provide that income now in exchange for uncertain profits later.
They take the risk, front the capital, and hope it pays off.
Profit is not exploitation. It’s compensation for time, risk, and planning.
But what if we abolished capitalism?
How would the state know what to produce?
Ludwig von Mises asked this in 1920—and proved socialism couldn’t answer it.
Without prices, there’s no way to compare costs or plan tradeoffs.
No real prices = no real economy.
He didn’t say socialism lacked morality.
He said it lacked logic.
F.A. Hayek went further.
He argued that no central planner could match the knowledge spread across society.
Prices aren’t just numbers. They’re signals—reflecting local needs, priorities, and scarcities.
Prices reflect that knowledge. They allow individuals to coordinate without any central planner needing to understand the full picture.
No expert, no algorithm, no five-year plan can replace that.
By the mid-20th century, Marxist economics had collapsed.
Menger refuted the labor theory of value.
Böhm-Bawerk dismantled surplus value.
Mises exposed the limits of planning.
Hayek explained why decentralization matters.
The Austrians didn’t just critique Marx. They offered a more coherent framework—rooted in individual choice, not class struggle.
So why does it matter now?
Because Marx’s bad ideas never die.
Price controls.
Central planning.
The constant vilification of profit.
Every time we forget what crushed Marxism, it crawls back—under new slogans, with old consequences.
Most students never learn this story.
They don’t know how Marx fell.
They don’t know why the Austrians won.
And they don’t realize how many of today’s bad ideas echo the same fallacies—just with friendlier branding.
Want to go deeper?
We made a short, free email course called How to Not Be an NPC on Tariffs.
This book written by Ludwig von Mises in 1944 may be the most important thing to understand the threat we are facing in 2025.
"Omnipotent Government" predicted our current crisis 🧵
In the 1800s, the world experienced unprecedented peace and prosperity under classical liberalism.
Free trade connected nations. People moved freely across borders.
Then something shifted in the realm of ideas, and within decades, two world wars consumed civilization.
Mises wrote "Omnipotent Government" to answer a haunting question: How did the world go from the liberal 19th century to the totalitarian nightmare of the 20th?
His conclusion was radical: the path to Hitler began not with violence, but with ideas about the role of government.
He was completely refuted over a century ago by Austrian economists who dismantled every pillar of his theory.
Yet somehow, his ideas still haunt lecture halls and political debates like intellectual zombies.
Here's how four economists buried Marxism forever. 🧵
The destruction began in 1871 with Carl Menger and a simple question: where does value really come from?
Marx said labor creates value. Eight hours of work equals eight hours of worth.
Menger said: wrong. Value lives in human minds, not in objects or hours worked.
Think about it this way. Your first slice of pizza when you're starving? Priceless. Your fifth slice when you're stuffed? You'd pay someone to take it away.
Same labor went into both slices. Completely different value to you.
This is marginal utility—and it shattered Marx's foundation.
Imagine being so beloved that working-class families hung your portrait in their homes. Not because you were a celebrity, but because you actually cut their taxes and fought for their freedom.
Meet William Ewart Gladstone: history's most popular classical liberal 🧵
This wasn't some academic theorist or ivory tower philosopher.
Gladstone was a four-time Prime Minister who dominated British politics for over half a century.
And here's what made him different: he made liberty cool, moral, and undeniably popular.
Picture this: Gladstone didn't just talk about free trade. He abolished over 1,000 tariffs. That's 95% of Britain's protectionist policies, gone.
He didn't just critique big government. He slashed the income tax from 10% to 1.25%. And he wasn't satisfied until he could eliminate it entirely.
Brilliant economists are saying Hayek was right about the past, but AI changes the game.
"The calculation problem? Solved. Modern supercomputers can handle what Soviet planners couldn't."
Here's why even smart people are missing something fundamental. 🧵
This isn't new thinking. It's the return of an ancient conceit.
Soviet planners once believed they could organize society "scientifically." No more waste, no unemployment, just rational experts allocating resources perfectly.
They called it scientific socialism. We know how that ended.
What these AI evangelists miss is what Friedrich Hayek understood decades ago: the problem was never computational power.
The problem is information itself.
When the price of tin rises, you don't need to know why. You just need to know that tin is now more valuable elsewhere.