Peter misses the argument here, making the entire piece misleading. Once you understand the actual argument, the aDNA data is largely supportive. See below
The argument is that ONE branch of Christianity (not "Christianity") diffused a set of prescriptions and prohibitions that dissolved the pre-Christian kinship structures into monogamous nuclear families. It's NOT about "cousin marriage" per se.
These norms enforced monogamous marriage (ending common polygyny, concubinage, sex slaves) and tabooed levirate marriage along many types of unions, which included genetic cousins as well as spiritual kin (e.g., goddaughter) and all in-laws. Lots of non-close-genetic relatives.
The norms also altered post-marital residence and inheritance (by testament instead of customary). This is elaborated in great detail in my book.
These changes dramatically reduced what anthropologists call "kinship intensity", which captures the broad and tight social networks formed by kinship norms. (economists renamed these "kinship tightness"). The classic corporate "tight" kin group is the clan. @JF_Schulz
The aDNA strongly supports this view by confirming the prevalence of polygynous patrilineal clans (without marrying women) in pre-Christian Europe. There's even evidence for levirate marriage, which is the first thing the Church banned in Late Antiquity.
So, even if we take the claims about cousin marriage at face value (which I don't), the aDNA still supports a decline in kinship intensity... which is the key issue. The clans were dismantled.
In his effort to clump Europeans together psychologically, he ignores the application of this theory to explain the variation among Europeans today. E.g., knowing how long a population was under the medieval Church predicts their individualism, conformity & imp. prosociality
However, if Peter's reading of the aDNA is right, why does Church exposure predict rates of European cousin in the 20th century?
Curiously, after banning cousin marriage, the medieval Church realized that Europeans wanted to marry their kin so much, they monetized by selling dispensations...made big bucks. There was demand... why? Suddenly, people want to marry cousins?
Why does knowing the rates of cousin marriage among Italian provinces tell us so much about psychological variation within Italy?
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Just finished "Abundance" by @ezraklein and Derek Thompson. Fantastic book! I found myself thinking, "I couldn't agree more." Well done! If I may offer one critique...however...
The authors fall into a classic social science trap, writing and assuming, "What principally distinguishes the past from the present is not biology, nor psychology, but rather technology. If the world has changed, it’s because we have changed the world."
Actually, the world changes us too. Both our psychology and technology have changed. More broadly, ample evidence shows that our psychology coevolves culturally with our technologies, institutions & languages.
This paper misunderstands the goal of the WEIRD paper they cite so prominently. The point of the paper was to raise the consciousness of researchers to the presence of substantial variation in widely used psychological measures across societies.
There is, in fact, substantial variation across populations in the susceptibility of various visual illusions. I don't think that's in dispute here. @DorsaAmir, correct me if I'm wrong ? Do you think we can just use undergrads to obtain human universal results for illusions?
Furthermore, as I argued in 2008 based on child development data, susceptibility to the ML illusion is higher at younger ages and follows a U shape. In short, I argued for an 'innate bias' (based on that data) that was later shaped by the worlds that people had to navigate.
Two scholars that I greatly respect published this perspective that I think is on the wrong track. We had the entire lab read the paper, so I'll reflect the concerns of multiple cultural evolutionary scholars. @mnvrsngh
Answering evolutionary questions demands evolutionary theories captured by process descriptions, preferentially distilled in formal models. Surprisingly, M&F fall into the classic trap of trying to spot a key phenotype that distinguishes humans...that special something.
Going back decades, researchers have variously pointed to our 'intelligence,' 'foresight,' 'cooperation,' 'language,' 'tool use,' 'storytelling' and many more. These magic bullets all fail. "Openness" is even worse because it's a super vague magic bullet.
People's creativity hinges on the collective brain into which they are enmeshed. It's about the population size, interconnectedness and cognitive diversity. E.g., we've shown how the low innovation rates in the U.S. South arise (in part) from a lack of cultural diversity.
Intolerance and prejudice shrink the collective brain, resulting in less innovation. Drawing on Mike Andrews & Jonathan Rothwell, we can see how isolating segments of a population influences creative production from 1860 to 1940. Patents per capita on the vertical...
Thanks again for your paper, @DorsaAmir & @chazfirestone. Disagreement is the lifeblood of science. I'm replying to this paper in 2 storm tweets. See below..@timothycbates
First, in my lab, we've long worried about the data collection standards for the 1960s illusion. Led by @mmuthukrishna, 'we' (not including me :) ) collected new data and raised the bar: see
These data strongly support differences in susceptibility to visual illusion across societies. But, let's take a closer look at the paper itself-the argument and scholarship.
Let's review. Game on. The question: Is there evidence that population-level variation exists in susceptibility to visual illusions? @DorsaAmir & @chazfirestone wrote a fascinating paper to which I will reply in two storm tweets. I see major problems. Storm 1 coming...
In my lab, we've long worried about the data collection standards used by researchers over a half-century ago. D&C rightly point this out. However, our approach is different: we go collect more data and set a new bar. Proud of my former students and post-docs. @mmuthukrishna