Your professor loves this story. Politicians too. But there's one problem: Sweden got rich BEFORE it tried socialism.
And when they actually tried it, everything fell apart. 🧵
Every campus economics debate ends the same way.
Someone drops the Sweden card: "High taxes, big welfare—and they're rich and happy!"
This myth has become the ultimate trump card against free market arguments. But what if the entire foundation of this story is backwards?
150 years ago, Sweden was dirt poor—poorer than Congo at the time.
Life expectancy was half the average of developing countries. Families mixed tree bark into bread to survive famine.
In Stockholm, 1,400 people crammed into buildings with only 200 one-room flats.
As Swedish author Vilhelm Moberg wrote: "Of all the wondrous adventures of the Swedish people, none is more remarkable than this: that it survived all of them."
Sweden's escape from poverty was led by the progressives of their time—but not the kind you'd expect.
Anders Chydenius and Lars Johan Hierta were radical reformers fighting the conservative establishment.
These liberal revolutionaries were the campus activists of 1800s Sweden—except they fought FOR free markets, not against them. They abolished guild restrictions, slashed tariffs, expanded property rights, and deregulated banking.
The results were astonishing.
— Between 1850 and 1950, Sweden's income per capita increased eightfold. Life expectancy rose 28 years.
— Infant mortality plunged from 15% to 2%.
— By 1950, Sweden was the 4th richest country in the world.
— All while government spending stayed at just 6% of national income in 1900.
Sweden only turned toward big government in the 1970s. And it nearly wrecked the economy.
— Public spending soared from 31% to 60% of GDP.
— Growth rates halved. By 1990, private enterprise had created no net new jobs since 1950.
— Sweden fell from 4th richest country in the OECD to 14th between 1970 and 2000.
Even beloved authors fled the system. Astrid Lindgren, creator of Pippi Longstocking, calculated: "If I make 1 million kronor in profit, the government takes 102%. I'd owe more than I earned."
Ingvar Kamprad, founder of IKEA, fled to Switzerland. Ingmar Bergman was arrested for tax evasion and left the country.
This is what happens when you implement the policies progressives call "fair share."
Sweden saved itself in the 1990s by returning to free markets:
— slashed top tax rates;
— abolished wealth taxes;
— introduced school vouchers;
— allowed private healthcare options.
Result: Sweden started outperforming Europe again. Free markets worked—again.
When your professor uses Sweden as proof socialism works, they're either ignorant of basic economic history or deliberately misleading you.
The policies that made Sweden decline in the 1970s are exactly what progressives want today: massive spending, high taxes, wealth taxes, government control of healthcare.
Sweden tried this playbook. It failed. They reversed course. We're about to repeat their mistakes.
Knowing the truth about Sweden changes everything about campus economics debates. But knowing facts and surviving those debates without burning bridges are different skills. Ready to challenge myths while building respect?
Angela Davis is the most famous prison abolitionist of the last fifty years.
She built her name on one rule: no one should be caged for their beliefs.
Then political prisoners in communist regimes wrote to her. 🧵
She made political imprisonment her life's work. She wrote "Are Prisons Obsolete?" She co-founded Critical Resistance in 1997. She edited "If They Come in the Morning" in 1971.
She is the person who put the phrase "prison abolition" into serious American political conversation.
In 1970 she was a UCLA philosophy professor and a member of the Communist Party USA.
In August, guns registered in her name were used in a California courthouse raid in which four people died, including the presiding judge. She fled and landed on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted list.
Three iron cages hang from a church tower in the German city of Münster. They have been there for almost 500 years.
Inside them, once, were the bodies of men who tried to build heaven on earth by abolishing private property.
Münster wants its people to know what put them there. 🧵
In February 1534, a group of radical Anabaptists won the city council elections in Münster. Within weeks they had expelled every neighbor who refused rebaptism, redistributed the empty houses, and welcomed a Dutch baker named Jan Matthys who claimed to be the prophet Enoch.
The New Jerusalem had begun. Münster's ruler, Prince-Bishop Franz von Waldeck, had been driven out with the rest. He raised an army and laid siege to take his capital back.
Matthys ordered gold, silver, and coined money surrendered to a common treasury. Buying and selling were banned. Food was pooled. Doors had to be left unlocked. Seven appointed deacons administered the goods of the community.
The socialist Karl Kautsky, writing in 1897, called it a forerunner of modern communism.
In 1825, a rich Welsh industrialist bought an entire American town to prove that socialism could work.
He had the money, the buildings, the theory, and hundreds of eager followers waiting to move in.
Two years later, it was over. 🧵
Robert Owen paid around $150,000 for the town of Harmonie, Indiana. He got 20,000 acres, more than 160 buildings, working mills, and farms already producing food.
He renamed it New Harmony. Close to a thousand people arrived in the first year.
Owen already ran successful textile mills in New Lanark, Scotland, where he was famous for treating workers well and running a profitable business at the same time.
He believed that if you removed private property and paid everyone equally, cooperation would naturally replace competition.
Almost every major revolution in modern history followed the same script: overthrow one power, install another.
France swapped the King for Robespierre, then for Napoleon.
Russia swapped the Czar for Lenin, then for Stalin.
Cuba swapped Batista for Castro.
Only one revolution broke the script. The American one, in 1776. 🧵
In every other case, the logic of power survives the change of regime. A new sovereign takes the throne.
Rights remain concessions, granted by whoever holds power, revocable when politically inconvenient.
What Thomas Jefferson wrote in the second paragraph of the Declaration of Independence does something else.
The sentence reads:
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
In 1960, newly independent African leaders had a choice: capitalism or socialism.
Almost all of them picked socialism.
A Ghanaian economist named George Ayittey spent forty years documenting what happened next.
His findings are in print, and almost nobody outside Africa wants to hear them. 🧵
The reasoning in 1960 looked airtight.
Colonialism had been run by Western capitalists. So capitalism was a tool of oppression. Socialism, its opposite, would be the path to liberation.
Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, Sékou Touré in Guinea, Mengistu Haile Mariam in Ethiopia, and Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe all reached the same conclusion through the same logic.
The logic was tidy. The results were catastrophic.
In Ghana, Nkrumah's government built 64 state enterprises before his overthrow in February 1966. Only three or four were profitable.
By 1970, the Ghanaian state was setting prices on nearly 6,000 items across more than 700 product groups.
Thomas Jefferson wrote "all men are created equal" while owning more than 600 human beings over his lifetime.
The contradiction is real. But the sentence he wrote kept working long after he stopped. Abolitionists used it. Lincoln used it. The civil rights movement used it.
Here is the whole, contradictory story of the man who wrote it. 🧵
America is not a nation in the ordinary sense. It is not built on a shared ethnicity or a common ancestry.
It is built on a claim about human nature: that every person has rights that exist before any government, and that government exists to protect those rights.
Jefferson wrote that claim, even though he failed to live by it.
He tried more than once to make the founding mean what it said.
His original 1776 draft of the Declaration of Independence blamed King George III for the slave trade and called it "cruel war against human nature itself." Delegates from South Carolina and Georgia struck the passage out.
That same year, his draft for Virginia's state constitution banned the importation of slaves. The convention rejected it.