Your professor loves this story. Politicians too. But there's one problem: Sweden got rich BEFORE it tried socialism.
And when they actually tried it, everything fell apart. 🧵
Every campus economics debate ends the same way.
Someone drops the Sweden card: "High taxes, big welfare—and they're rich and happy!"
This myth has become the ultimate trump card against free market arguments. But what if the entire foundation of this story is backwards?
150 years ago, Sweden was dirt poor—poorer than Congo at the time.
Life expectancy was half the average of developing countries. Families mixed tree bark into bread to survive famine.
In Stockholm, 1,400 people crammed into buildings with only 200 one-room flats.
As Swedish author Vilhelm Moberg wrote: "Of all the wondrous adventures of the Swedish people, none is more remarkable than this: that it survived all of them."
Sweden's escape from poverty was led by the progressives of their time—but not the kind you'd expect.
Anders Chydenius and Lars Johan Hierta were radical reformers fighting the conservative establishment.
These liberal revolutionaries were the campus activists of 1800s Sweden—except they fought FOR free markets, not against them. They abolished guild restrictions, slashed tariffs, expanded property rights, and deregulated banking.
The results were astonishing.
— Between 1850 and 1950, Sweden's income per capita increased eightfold. Life expectancy rose 28 years.
— Infant mortality plunged from 15% to 2%.
— By 1950, Sweden was the 4th richest country in the world.
— All while government spending stayed at just 6% of national income in 1900.
Sweden only turned toward big government in the 1970s. And it nearly wrecked the economy.
— Public spending soared from 31% to 60% of GDP.
— Growth rates halved. By 1990, private enterprise had created no net new jobs since 1950.
— Sweden fell from 4th richest country in the OECD to 14th between 1970 and 2000.
Even beloved authors fled the system. Astrid Lindgren, creator of Pippi Longstocking, calculated: "If I make 1 million kronor in profit, the government takes 102%. I'd owe more than I earned."
Ingvar Kamprad, founder of IKEA, fled to Switzerland. Ingmar Bergman was arrested for tax evasion and left the country.
This is what happens when you implement the policies progressives call "fair share."
Sweden saved itself in the 1990s by returning to free markets:
— slashed top tax rates;
— abolished wealth taxes;
— introduced school vouchers;
— allowed private healthcare options.
Result: Sweden started outperforming Europe again. Free markets worked—again.
When your professor uses Sweden as proof socialism works, they're either ignorant of basic economic history or deliberately misleading you.
The policies that made Sweden decline in the 1970s are exactly what progressives want today: massive spending, high taxes, wealth taxes, government control of healthcare.
Sweden tried this playbook. It failed. They reversed course. We're about to repeat their mistakes.
Knowing the truth about Sweden changes everything about campus economics debates. But knowing facts and surviving those debates without burning bridges are different skills. Ready to challenge myths while building respect?
In 1936, John Maynard Keynes published The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. It became the most influential economics book of the 20th century.
The only man intellectually equipped to refute it decided not to respond.
He spent the rest of his life regretting that decision. 🧵
The man was Friedrich Hayek.
Five years earlier, in 1931, Lionel Robbins had brought him to the London School of Economics specifically to provide a serious intellectual counterweight to Cambridge.
He had then spent more than a year writing a line-by-line dissection of Keynes's previous book, A Treatise on Money, published in two parts in Economica in 1931 and 1932. In that moment, he was the most credible critic Keynes had in the English-speaking world.
Hayek and Keynes were also friends.
They corresponded warmly through the late 1930s and through the war. When the LSE was evacuated to Cambridge during the Blitz, it was Keynes who arranged rooms for Hayek at King's College. In the summer of 1942, the two of them stood fire watch together on the roof of King's College Chapel, scanning the sky for German incendiaries during the Baedeker raids.
They disagreed about almost everything in economics. They worried about each other anyway.
In October 2023, 108 economists, including Thomas Piketty and Gabriel Zucman, signed an open letter warning that Javier Milei would devastate Argentina if he won in November.
Major outlets treated it as settled consensus.
He won, and this is what actually happened. 🧵
Milei's program, the letter argued, would "increase already high levels of poverty and inequality," produce socio-economic devastation, and severely reduce policy space for years to come.
When he took office in December 2023, annual inflation was running above 200% and climbing toward 300%. The primary deficit had not been closed in over a decade.
Eighteen months later, monthly inflation fell to 1.5% in May 2025, the lowest reading in five years.
Argentina posted its first fiscal surplus since 2008. The central bank stopped printing money to cover the deficit.
Why do so many young people today celebrate killers?
The ideas that justify political violence didn't start on TikTok. They were developed in universities, published by prestigious presses, and taught to millions of students as serious moral philosophy before they became acceptable by so many people. 🧵
Ideas don't stay in books. Every ideology that has produced mass violence was first a theory. The intellectuals came before the violence.
In the last century, three thinkers spent their careers building a moral architecture that makes political violence not just acceptable, but virtuous.
Their ideas have been inside universities for fifty years. They are now inside a whole generation.
Frantz Fanon turned killing into an act of purification.
In The Wretched of the Earth (1961), Fanon made violence the only cure for colonial dehumanization. The colonized person lives inside that structure from birth and killing the oppressor is the only exit.
But he went further: even violence within oppressed groups is the oppressor's fault. Aggression that cannot reach the colonizer turns inward. Colonialism is responsible for all of it.
This framework makes the oppressed immune to moral accountability. Through violent struggle, the colonized sheds his dehumanized self and becomes a new man, "of better quality."
For 69 years, the largest political experiment in human history — spanning 15 countries, 286 million people, and 8 leaders — tried to deny reality.
Here is a step-by-step account of how the Soviet experiment was forced to face it. 🧵
In 1917, the Bolsheviks made the world a promise: equality, abundance, liberation.
The communists were convinced that markets were exploitation and that the state could do better. History was on their side, the revolution of the proletariat was inevitable, their prophet Marx claimed. They had found the solution: central planning would replace the chaos of markets. The state would act where private interests wouldn't. And for a brief moment, much of the world believed them.
It was a grand theory, and the next seven decades would test it against the one force no ideology can permanently suppress: reality.
It began with a revolution: "All power to the Soviets."
Lenin believed centralized power could reorganize society from the top down. The Bolsheviks had seized power, dismantled the old order, and convinced themselves that history had chosen them. The state would replace markets as the engine of economic life, determining what gets produced, at what price, and for whom. There was no doubt or hesitation, nor any room for dissent.
And certainty, in the hands of men with total power, is one of the most dangerous forces in human history.
She escaped the Gestapo in 1933. Then she spent 18 years asking one question:
What actually creates tyranny?
Some would say ideology and propaganda. Others would point to a strongman seizing power.
Her answer was something far more ordinary, and far more dangerous. 🧵
In 1933, Hannah Arendt was detained by the Gestapo for researching Nazi antisemitic propaganda. She escaped Germany and spent the next 18 years stateless: no country, no citizenship, no legal protection.
Stripped of membership in any recognized political community, she experienced what she would later call being "superfluous", the terrifying sensation of belonging nowhere and mattering to no one.
That experience became the foundation of The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). The theorizing was based on what she had experienced first hand.
When the book came out, everyone expected a conventional answer.
Scholars expected an anatomy of Nazi ideology. Economists expected a class analysis. Psychologists expected a study of mass hysteria.
Arendt gave them something stranger: totalitarianism doesn't grow primarily from ideology. It grows from loneliness: the experience of having no place in a shared world.