Texas officials have long worried about the dangers to children who packed into camps each summer along the flood-prone Guadalupe River. They knew that warning systems were inadequate.
So why was nothing done? We have reviewed documents spanning a decade to find answers.
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Without a more advanced warning system, the youth camps on the river had instead relied on a word-of-mouth strategy: Upstream camps would warn downstream peers of water surges coming their way.
But officials repeatedly wondered whether that was sufficient.
Here's a county commissioner talking in 2017, during a discussion about river gauges, sirens, and other ways the might alert people to flash floods.
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Around that time, local officials sought help from FEMA, but the federal government declined to fund a ~$1 million flood warning system.
There were other priorities at the time: Hurricane Harvey had just produced catastrophic flooding in other parts of Texas.
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County officials were also wary of spending money. One county official opposed a $50,000 engineering study, saying the effort was "a little extravagant for Kerr County, with sirens and such."
In a recent interview, Kerr County's most senior elected official told The New York Times that the warning system was expensive and residents have been resistant to new spending.
Local officials tried another option more recently: The Flood Infrastructure Fund, a state program dedicated to flood improvements. But when officials applied for help, they got word that the state would only support 5% of the project's funding. Local officials backed out.
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Why was the state offer so small?
While the state has identified $54 billion in flood control needs, the Legislature has funded only a fraction of that. They have other priorities: This year, lawmakers approved $51 billion in tax relief.
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We have many reporters on the ground in Kerrville and are continuing to investigate. If you know more about the region's flood planning, weather service communications, Camp Mystic, or anything else of note, please get in touch.
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NEW: There is a fascinating political drama unfolding right now at Indian Creek Village, the small gated island known as the “Billionaire Bunker,” home to the likes of Jeff Bezos, Tom Brady and Ivanka Trump.
It is a saga revolving around the island's 💩
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Despite the island’s extreme luxury (an empty lot sold for $110M), Indian Creek does not have a sewer system. The island proposed sending waste into the pipes of neighboring Surfside but then balked at the town’s $10M ask.
Seattle’s only national park honors the grit of the Klondike gold rush, where Donald Trump's grandfather built the family's early wealth.
But the DOGE cuts have placed the park’s future at risk.
A 🧵 about the park and Frederick Trump...
There are some fascinating twists of history in this story.
Frederick Trump had his first foray into the world of hospitality as a 22-year-old in Seattle, when he opened a restaurant very close to the site of the current national park.
In 1896, Frederick Trump made the family's first foray into U.S. politics in the mining town of Monte Cristo. In a local campaign, he apparently allied himself with William Jennings Bryan, the populist Democrat who railed against tariffs.
For those who haven't seen it, my NYT colleagues did an outstanding project looking at FAA records, air traffic control staffing, and a series of close calls in commercial aviation.
When the budget was signed, the city was still negotiating a new contract with the firefighters’ union. After that was settled, more money was approved, so the total fire budget is now actually $53 million more than last year.
NEW: We have obtained more details about Shamsud-Din Jabbar, his descent into radicalization, and some of his final words as he drove toward his attack in New Orleans.
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In one of his final messages, Jabbar told his family: “I wanted you to know that I joined ISIS.”
Then, a chilling addendum: “I don’t want you to think I spared you willingly.” He described how he had considered a fake “celebration” for them.
Jabbar’s family members said his radicalization was a secret to them.
But they had noticed changes: He was stressed financially, upset about “genocide on both sides” in the Middle East, and expressing disgust of partying (something, we found, was once part of his life).
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We spent much of today interviewing a series of people who knew New Orleans attacker Shamsud-Din Jabbar, including his brother, who spoke to Jabbar recently.
“I would have never imagined him doing something like this,” he told us.
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There is much more detail here in this story, thanks to reporters on the ground in New Orleans and Houston, and others digging through his history on the internet and in the military.
But I’ll also thread some of the details we learned today.