“It’s not a Professional Army, but it’s also not really Reserves - it’s a Gig-Army”:
A few weeks ago, a friend came over and told me about his long volunteer reserve duty. 🧵
2. “What I realized during this reserve duty”, he said, “is that the IDF has basically ceased to exist as a Citizen Army. De facto, it’s a Professional Army.”
3. He wasn’t the only one. I started hearing more and more similar claims from friends serving in various units. Some spoke of reservists jumping from battalion to battalion to secure more reserve days due to financial hardship.
4. Others described doing reserve duty ‘between jobs’, and some said they were doing reserve duty to avoid being fired.
5. Again and again, they repeated the claim that the IDF has effectively become a professional army. Soon after, this discourse also made its way into the media, where the question was posed explicitly: have the reserves turned the IDF into a professional army?
6. There was a moment when it clicked for me - all these people were describing a real phenomenon, but they simply weren’t calling it by its proper name.
7. It has another name, one we're used to hearing in economic and social discussions about the labor market, but until now we hadn’t realized it applies to our reserve service too.
8. That name is “the gig economy,” and it’s actually what has produced the phenomenon we’re seeing. The correct name for it is not “professional army” - it’s “gig reserves.”
9. The “gig economy” is the term economists and sociologists gave, a few years ago, to a phenomenon in which workers - usually young - are employed as temporary “service providers” for an organization, while both sides maintain minimal commitment to each other.
10. The employer doesn’t offer job security or full benefits, and the worker chooses specific tasks that are financially worthwhile and fit their schedule. The most classic example of this in Israel is Wolt’s (DoorDash subsidiary) couriers.
11. The gig economy is mostly associated worldwide with late Millennials and Gen Z. These are workers who entered a labor market never expecting to have a deep, long-term commitment to their workplace. What’s new is that now this phenomenon has reached the IDF.
12. What does it mean that this phenomenon has reached the IDF? In short - since the war began, the IDF has needed a lot of manpower. This is especially true for combat roles, but not only.
13. It calls people in for long reserve rotations, but since there still aren’t enough people - or in order to compensate for those who don’t show up - it offers other reservists the chance to volunteer.
14. There are even units in the army today where this is the primary model for bringing in reserves: “We don’t force anyone to come - only reservists who want to will show up.”
15. It’s important to offer a caveat here: in today’s Israel, there are thousands of reservists who serve out of a sense of obligation, at the call of the state, despite paying a heavy personal, familial, and professional price.
16. Also, the IDF truly does need more manpower for its assigned missions, and it uses what it can. And truly - if a 22-YO can fill in for a 35-YO burned-out reservist with three kids at home, that’s a great thing.
17. We should also note that many of these volunteers do so not just for financial reasons, but because they genuinely want to contribute.
18. In fact, in some army units this is the only way to serve in the reserves - the whole system is built around “we invite people to come, and whoever can, comes when it works for them".
19. But this is precisely the point: the problem here, in my view and in the view of most interviewees for this article, isn’t that people are abusing the system.
20. Yes, that happens too. But the real issue is that the reserve duty model in Israel wasn’t built for the kind of reality we’re facing now.
21. The model was built around a security doctrine of short wars, and a reality where people worked steadily for a single employer who could absorb the cost of losing a worker to reserve duty for a short time. Neither of those assumptions holds true anymore.
22. And when that’s the case, three major effects follow:
23. First - Massive government spending: According to the IDF’s financial advisor, the average cost of a reservist is nearing 30,000 shekels per month. During “Operation Gideon’s Chariots,” just one day of reserve duty in the Gaza theater alone cost the state 80 million shekels.
24. Second - Disruption of the labor market: Almost every employer in Israel will tell you today that they’re short on workers.
25. Businesses that rely on college-age labor can’t find anyone to hire. And if an employer wants to fire someone? The worker says, “Go ahead - worst case, I’ll just do reserve duty”.
26. Third - Long-term damage to the army: This is perhaps the least-discussed effect. The current reality is eroding the ethos of reserve duty, turning it into something people do only when it suits them, not as a national obligation.
27. Additionally, there’s ample evidence that ongoing reserve service is degrading the quality of regular soldiers. The army is getting used to relying on reservists instead of investing in training its regular soldiers.
28. There’s no simple solution to the current situation. Optimists may see this as a sign of Israeli organizational flexibility and young people’s willingness to contribute alongside financial incentives.
29. But what *is* needed is recognition that something fundamental has changed in the model we once knew, that a new model is required, and that to build it properly - this demands a public conversation.
30. And what’s the first step in enabling that public conversation? We have to start by naming the phenomenon correctly. It’s not a “professional army”. It’s a “Gig Army”.
You can read the full article (English translation by Avshalom Halutz) here:
רגע אחרי שנגמרה המלחמה עם איראן, הלכתי לשבוע הספר בירושלים לקנות ספרים ולנשום קצת אוויר. כשעמדתי ליד אחד הדוכנים פנה אליי המוכר –גבר חרדי צעיר- ואמר לי: "היי, אתה אוריאל, לא? אני קורא אותך בדהמרקר". הופתעתי.🧵
2. הוא סיקרן אותי, ודיברתי איתו קצת לצד הדוכן. הוא סיפר שהוא סטודנט לכלכלה, עתיד להתגייס עוד שנה, ושבא לעבוד בשבוע הספר כעבודה מזדמנת. החלפנו מספרים.
3. כשהמשכתי להסתובב ביריד, שמתי לב למספר גבוה מאוד של חרדים מסביב, כזה שלא ראיתי כמוהו בשנים הקודמות שלי בשבוע הספר.
@JeffreyGoldberg , the editor of @TheAtlantic , appeared on @JonahDispatch 's podcast and analyzed the Israeli-American operation against Iran’s nuclear program.
I’ve summarized Jeffrey Goldberg's arguments, and I recommend reading it:🧵
1. People who say that what happened in Iran resembles the Iraq war might be correct on an emotional level, but other than that – the facts don’t match. There was nothing about this operation that is similar to Iraq.
2. First, nobody denies that the Iranians have a nuclear program, and that they have worked on the weaponization of this program.
להלן סיכום ותרגום של הטיעונים העיקריים שלו בנושא:🧵
1. "אנשים שטוענים שהמתקפה באיראן הייתה דומה למלחמת עיראק אולי צודקים ברמה הרגשית, אבל לא ברמה העובדתית. אין שום דבר במבצע הזה שדומה לעיראק. עיראק ואיראן גובלות זו בזו, ויש להן שם דומה, אבל חוץ מזה - אין דמיון בין המקרים.
2. קודם כל, צריך לומר - אף אחד לא מכחיש שלאיראנים יש תוכנית גרעין, ושהם פעלו כדי לייצר ממנה נשק גרעיני. אבל מעבר לזה - אנשים דיברו על המתקפה הזאת כעל תחילתה של מלחמת העולם השלישית.
לאחרונה טראמפ מרבה לדבר על משפט נתניהו ועל העוול שנעשה לו.
הפרשנות הרווחת גורסת שזה נובע מהזדהות של טראמפ עם נתניהו. "כמו שהם עושים את זה לי - הם עושים את זה גם לך".
אני לא שולל את הפרשנות הזו, אבל רוצה להציע אחת נוספת:🧵
2. בשני קצוות המפה הפוליטית בארה"ב - יש קבוצה רדיקלית שמתעבת את ישראל.
3. אבל בכל הספקטרום המרכזי של הפוליטיקה האמריקאית, עדיין יש אהדה בסיסית לישראל, וגרעינים קשים של תמיכה עזה בישראל: יהודים ליברלים-מתונים במפלגה הדמוקרטית; ואוונגליסטים ושמרנים אוהבי ישראל אצל הרפובליקנים.
Zohar Palti, former Head of the Mossad Intelligence Directorate and former Head of the Political-Security Bureau at Israel’s Ministry of Defense, was interviewed earlier today on @NadavPerry’s podcast.
He analyzed the current Israel-Iran war: 🧵
1. "We sometimes forget that Iran is a huge country with a population of 90 million, and size of more than 70 times the size of Israel. It has two armies: a regular military and the Revolutionary Guards, and both are enormous.
2. We’re impressed that a third Iranian chief of staff within a week is now giving the orders (after two successful eliminations), but we forget what it means to fight a state with true strategic depth and an industry that can keep producing under sanctions.
זהר פלטי, ראש מנהלת המודיעין במוסד וראש האגף המדיני-בטחוני במשרד הבטחון לשעבר, התראיין מוקדם יותר היום (ה') בפודקאסט של @NadavPerry וניתח את המלחמה באיראן שאנחנו במהלכה.
הנה הדברים שאמר, בתקציר ובעריכות קלות:
2. "אנחנו לפעמים שוכחים שאיראן זו מדינה ענקית עם אוכלוסיה של 90 מליון בני אדם וגדולה פי יותר מ-70 מישראל. זו מדינה עם שני צבאות -אחד רגיל ואחד של משמרות המהפכה, ששניהם צבאות ענקיים.
3. אנחנו מתרשמים מזה שהרמטכ"ל השלישי תוך שבוע הוא זה שנותן עכשיו את ההוראות. אבל שכחנו מה זה להילחם מול מדינה עם עומק אסטרטגי, ועם תעשייה שיודעת לייצר גם תחת סנקציות. נלחמנו המון ב-50 השנה האחרונות, אבל מול ארגונים – לא נגד מדינות.