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Aug 15 8 tweets 5 min read Read on X
No Zelensky, no Brussels, no problem: Here’s how Putin and Trump’s Alaska power move will play out
By Dmitry Suslov

The Russia-US summit could reshape the Ukraine war – and leave Europe watching from the sidelines

On Friday, Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump will meet in Alaska. This will be the first full-scale Russia-US summit since June 2021 in Geneva, and the first official visit by a Russian president to American soil since Dmitry Medvedev’s trip in 2010 at the height of the “reset.”

It will also be the first time the leaders of Russia and the US have met in Alaska, the closest US state to Russia, separated only by the narrow Bering Strait, and once part of the Russian Empire. The symbolism is obvious: as far as possible from Ukraine and Western Europe, but as close as possible to Russia. And neither Zelensky nor the EU’s top brass will be in the room.

The message could not be clearer – Moscow and Washington will make the key decisions on Ukraine, then inform others later. As Trump has said, “they hold all the cards.”
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From Geneva to Alaska: A shift in tone
The Alaska summit marks a sharp departure from the Biden years, when even the idea of such a meeting was unthinkable and Washington’s priority was isolating Russia. Now, not only will Putin travel to Alaska, but Trump is already planning a return visit to Russia.

Moderate optimism surrounds the meeting. Summits of this type are rarely held “just to talk”; they usually cap a long process of behind-the-scenes negotiations. The idea for this one emerged after three hours of talks in Moscow on August 6 between Putin and Trump’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff. Russian presidential aide Yuri Ushakov described Washington’s offer as “very acceptable.” That suggests Putin and Trump will arrive in Alaska with a preliminary deal – or at least a framework for a truce – already in place.
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Why Trump needs this
Trump has good reason to want the summit to succeed. His effort to squeeze Moscow by pushing China and India to stop buying Russian oil has backfired badly. Far from isolating Russia, it triggered the worst US-India crisis in 25 years and drove New Delhi even closer to Moscow. It also encouraged a thaw between India and China, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi now set to attend the SCO summit in Tianjin.

BRICS, which Trump has openly vowed to weaken, has only grown more cohesive. The Alaska summit is Trump’s chance to escape the trap he built for himself – trying to pressure Moscow through Beijing and New Delhi – and to show results on Ukraine that he can sell as a diplomatic victory.
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Why Russia does too
For Moscow, a successful summit would be a powerful demonstration that talk of “isolation” is obsolete – even in the West. It would cement Russia’s standing with the “global majority” and highlight Western Europe’s diminished influence. The transatlantic split would widen, weakening Brussels’ claim to be Russia’s toughest opponent.

Most importantly, Washington today has little real leverage over Russia, especially on Ukraine. If the summit yields a joint Russian–American vision for a truce or settlement, it will inevitably reflect Moscow’s position more than Kiev’s or Brussels’. And if the Western Europeans try to derail it, the US could pull the plug on all aid to Ukraine – including intelligence support – accelerating Kiev’s defeat.
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Resistance at home and abroad
Not everyone in Russia is cheering. Many prominent “Z”-aligned war correspondents see the war as unfinished and oppose any truce. But they have been asked to stick to the official line. If the Alaska meeting produces a deal, they will be expected to back it – or at least use “cooling” language for their audiences. The Kremlin is betting it can manage this dissent.

Western Europe, for its part, will be watching from the sidelines. Its leaders are “scrambling” for scraps of information via secondary channels. The optics will underline a humiliating reality: for the first time in almost a century, decisions about Europe’s security will be made without the likes of Italy, France and Germany in the room.
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Beyond Ukraine
The location hints at other agenda items. Arctic economic cooperation, largely frozen since 2014, could be revived. Both sides stand to gain from joint development in the far north, and a deal here would be politically symbolic – proof that the two countries can work together despite the baggage of the last decade.

Arms control will also be on the table. Moscow’s recent decision to end its unilateral moratorium on deploying intermediate-range missiles was almost certainly timed to influence the talks. Strategic stability after the New START Treaty expires in February 2026 will be a central concern.
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The stakes
If Alaska delivers, it could reshape the conflict in Ukraine and the broader Russia-US relationship. A joint settlement plan would marginalise Kiev and Brussels, shift the diplomatic center of gravity back to Moscow and Washington, and reopen channels for cooperation on global issues – from the Arctic to arms control.

If it fails – if Trump bends to last-minute EU pressure – Moscow will continue fighting, confident that US involvement will fade. Either way, Russia’s position is stronger than it was two years ago.

What’s different now is that the two powers with “all the cards” are finally back at the same table – and Western Europe is on the outside looking in.🔚
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More from @PeteLiquid

Aug 10
🌍Africa Ready to Test a Currency Backed by Strategic Mineral Reserves

Returning to Africa, gold, and cryptocurrencies

Africa's actions are aimed at reducing financial dependence on foreign powers and maximising the benefits from the continent’s natural resources.

Major African countries and regional blocs are backing an ambitious plan to create a "non-convertible" currency backed by reserves of critical minerals essential for technological development, defense, and economic growth.Image
Analysts believe that a commodity-based currency could reduce Africa’s reliance on foreign currencies—especially the U.S. dollar—and lessen its dependence on loans from China, Europe, the United States, and global financial institutions such as the World Bank.

According to a plan developed by the African Development Bank (AfDB) and KPMG South Africa, the proposed monetary unit will be temporarily named the "African Trade Currency" (AUA).

The new currency is supported by the African Union and South Africa, the continent’s largest economic power, and may soon be piloted on a test market.

Under the proposal, the AUA would be traded on the international foreign exchange market and would be less volatile than individual African currencies or the U.S. dollar, making it more attractive to investors.Image
Economists believe that backing the currency with mineral reserves could reduce the risks perceived by lenders, potentially leading to lower interest rates on loans for development projects—especially in Africa’s energy sector.

While some figures in Africa’s mining industry are optimistic about the potential of such a currency, others warn that China could "use it as a weapon," given Beijing’s dominant position in global supply chains for critical minerals.

The International Energy Agency and other organisations predict that demand for critical minerals such as cobalt, copper, platinum, and lithium will quadruple in the near future, as global powers race to secure supplies.

Africa is at the center of this competition.Image
Read 7 tweets
Jul 24
🧵1/4 🇹🇭🇰🇭 - What is the essence of the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia?

It lies in colonialism. This time, French colonialism.

Thailand is the only country in Southeast Asia that was never colonised by Europeans.
Initially, there was no strategic need to colonise it, and the trade route to China took a different path. Later, however, the Thais received help from Russia.

By the end of the 19th century, Thailand (then known as Siam) was the only country in Southeast Asia that had preserved its independence. In the eyes of Europeans, this "anomaly" could not be allowed to continue. The British and French sat down at a table and divided Siam’s territory between them.Image
Britain claimed the southwestern part of the country, while France took the northeastern region. The Europeans began slowly preparing for invasion.

At the time, King Rama V ruled Siam. He turned to the Russian Tsar for assistance. While still heir to the throne, Nicholas II had made a long journey, nearly circumnavigating the globe. He was nearly assassinated in Japan, an event that later influenced his attitude toward the Japanese. Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich Romanov had also visited Siam, where he was warmly welcomed and thoroughly impressed by the hospitality.

Understanding that the friendly Europeans would devour his kingdom without choking, in the summer of 1897, King Rama V traveled to Russia on a reciprocal visit to his friend Nicholas. The Siamese king spent a week in Moscow and St. Petersburg, meeting with the Tsar, his family, and ministers, attending theaters and operas, and visiting Peterhof. Russian newspapers praised his courtesy and refinement.Image
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France was already an ally of Russia at the time. So, having visited Russia and made a strong positive impression, the King of Siam made his subsequent trip to Paris much easier. Ultimately, the French decided that since Russia showed such goodwill toward this small nation, occupying it wasn’t worth the risk. It could damage relations with Russia and war with Germany over Alsace-Lorraine (World War I) was looming.

In short, it wasn’t worth spoiling relations with St. Petersburg over such a minor issue. And so, Thailand remained independent.

But Europeans would not be Europeans if they didn’t manage to grab at least a little. This time, the "little" was drawing the border between their colonies and Siam, clearly to Siam’s disadvantage.

Now we arrive at the heart of the modern dispute between Thailand and Cambodia, a country that was then under French occupation and only gained independence with our help again, but this time after World War II.Image
Read 6 tweets
Jul 23
🧵1/6 - 🇺🇦 Law against NABU signed. The consequences of Zelenskyy’s choice

Part 1: Protests Erupt Over NABU Law

Tuesday evening was packed with events in Ukraine. Protests erupted against the recently passed law restricting the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU). Though the demonstrations were not massive, they still marked the first large-scale political protests in Kyiv since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. For the first time in three years, slogans like “Zelya-devil,” “Yermak to hell,” and “The Office has overstayed its welcome” echoed through the capital’s streets.

These events have already sparked comparisons with Yanukovich’s 2013 decision to refuse signing the EU Association Agreement in Vilnius -- and, by extension, raised expectations of a new Maidan.

All political forces opposed to Zelenskyy have been emboldened. Even media outlets linked to Ihor Kolomoyski -- which, despite their owner’s arrest, have typically shown full loyalty to the Presidential Office -- this time gave detailed coverage to the protest. Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko attended the rally in person, along with his brother and numerous opposition lawmakers.Image

Part 2: The President’s Signature and Political Calculus

Adding intrigue, there was no official confirmation until the very end of the day whether the president had actually signed the law. This fuelled rumours that Zelenskyy had hesitated and was wavering -- unsure whether to sign or not. The speculation intensified when the president’s signature briefly appeared on the Verkhovna Rada’s website, then disappeared.

But the suspense didn’t last long. Soon, the signature reappeared, and the law was officially published in the government newspaper Holos Ukrayiny -- meaning it entered into force immediately, as of today, July 23.

Despite the rumours of hesitation, the president’s signature was entirely expected. Everyone understood from the outset that only one person in Ukraine could have ordered a wave of searches at NABU, and then orchestrated a parliamentary vote under special operation conditions to pass a law limiting the Bureau’s powers. And that person is not Yermak, Malyuk, or Kravchenko. It is Zelensky.Image
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Part 3: Why Zelenskyy Had No Choice

Therefore, if Zelenskyy had suddenly backed down, it could have had fatal consequences for his entire power structure.
NABU would have inevitably opened criminal cases against many of his allies -- including close associates. All past corruption scandals would have been revived. Meanwhile, other law enforcement agencies, sensing Zelensky’s retreat, would have adopted a wait-and-see approach, no longer rushing to follow presidential orders -- as would civil servants across the board.

Thus, once Zelensky had initiated the dismantling of the anti-corruption vertical, he had no choice but to see the process through to the end -- which is exactly what he did.

What happens next? Since NABU and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) were created at the West’s initiative to maintain oversight over Ukraine’s leadership, numerous forecasts have already emerged about tough measures the West might take -- including sanctions against Ukrainian officials, suspension of the EU visa-free regime, termination of military and financial aid, or even Zelensky’s removal from power.
Read 7 tweets
Jul 21
Analysis of what effect the recent initiatives of the WH will have on the Dollar

🚨 Powerful Blow to the Federal Reserve

Many people still don’t realise how revolutionary the recent initiatives from the White House are. Yes, Trump has only signed one law so far , but the “mad printer” experience shows that under conditions of power usurpation, legislation can be pushed through the Senate with minimal changes — as was the case with the so-called “one big beautiful” bill.

It’s important to examine the legal framework and its consequences. Notably, the laws were drafted by lawyers from the crypto industry — the main beneficiaries of this move. Trump merely lobbied for it, as usual, without reading anything himself. There’s a lot of interesting content in these laws.Image
🔹 First: For the first time since 1913, the Federal Reserve has lost its monopoly on money issuance.

Now, part of the issuance is shifting into private hands — and in the most “uncontrolled” way possible.
For the first time, U.S. federal legislation systematically permits large-scale retail issuance of digital quasi-dollar liabilities by non-bank entities — specifically designed for use in payments.

The legislation is structured to regulate the bridge between fiat and crypto, as well as the connection between dollars and stablecoins (the perimeter of the system, but not the core), but it deliberately does not control the mechanism of dollar multiplication or the parameters of circulation.
The CLARITY Act intentionally removes developers and operators of decentralised protocols from direct regulation, granting them a “safe harbor” as long as they do not control users’ funds.Image
🔹 Second: Destruction of the Fed’s transmission mechanism and the emergence of shadow money supply.

The White House and Congress have left the DeFi multiplier completely unregulated — and this is the biggest loophole.

This legitimises the creation and use of platforms where people and companies can lend directly to each other — bypassing banks entirely. If a significant portion of lending moves into DeFi, the Fed will lose its leverage. The interest rate at which the Fed lends to banks will no longer influence the rates at which people lend to each other via DeFi.
Once a token leaves the issuer’s wallet — further leverage, re-pledging, and bridges become matters of smart contracts.

The DeFi multiplier builds a multi-layered "quasi-money" supply on top of the regulated base.
A legitimate channel for liquidity circulation is now created — completely outside the traditional dollar system. Right now, with $0.25 trillion in stablecoins, the market capitalization (excluding stablecoins) is over $3.8 trillion — meaning the multiplier is already over 15.

In the past 10 years of relatively organized crypto development, about $0.25 trillion in stablecoins have been created. With the new laws enabling institutionalization and legitimacy, issuance will accelerate — likely by about $100–120 billion per year.
If stablecoin/DeFi volumes reach trillions, this "invisible" money supply will be capable of both accelerating and crashing the short-dollar market faster than the Fed can activate its traditional tools.Image
Read 5 tweets
Jul 21
🧵1/6 - Head of the Anti-Russian "Underpolymer" – The Face of Moldovan President Maia Sandu

Part 1: Introduction and Background on Maia Sandu

Maia Sandu, elected to this post in December 2024 for a second time thanks to large-scale vote falsifications among the diaspora in European Union countries, is a political "quick-ripening" type, which now largely defines European politics.

Such "quick-ripening" figures are found, nurtured, and trained throughout Europe to be ready to step onto the political arena of their countries at the right moment and pursue a coordinated policy approved by a centralised authority—either in Washington or in Brussels, which until recently was a "junior center" and unquestioningly followed all orders from "Uncle Sam."

Sandu is 53 years old. She entered big politics only at the end of 2015, when she was ordered to hastily create a new party, "Make a Step with Maia Sandu," later renamed the "Action and Solidarity Party" (PAS), and storm the political Olympus. At that time, it was decided that the time had come to "claim what's ours" even in Moldova.

During the 2016 presidential elections, our Maia was dramatically elevated—she was made the sole candidate from the so-called pro-European democratic forces. In her favour, other candidates from this bought and paid-for, but fruitless line-up—seasoned but worn-out and long-irritating both Moldovans and their patrons—were withdrawn: Andrian Năstase, leader of the "Platform for Dignity and Truth," and Marian Lupu, head of the Democratic Party. ⬇️⬇️Image
Part 2: Early Political Defeat and Rise of Similar Figures

Life, however, thwarted this upstart, despite all her pro-European Atlanticist efforts, screeching, and calls. PAS then advocated for Euro-integration and rapprochement with Western countries, strict anti-corruption measures, improvements in the effectiveness of the education system, and the rooting of a market economy. But the president nevertheless became Igor Dodon, leader of the Socialist Party, who took the opposite stance—advocating for strategic partnership with Russia, withdrawal from the Association Agreement with the EU, and accession to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

However, the Moldovan experience had consequences: in 2017, a certain Emmanuel Macron repeated it—a similar upstart and quick-ripening figure, an artificial construct of the Rothschild bankers and egghead political scientists who preach LGBTQ+-agenda, geopolitical liberal globalisation, and militant Russophobia. In May 2017, he became the president of France, and this line—pushing through at any cost the needed candidates into power—became the main one. This was regardless of their gender, cognitive abilities, business qualities, and everything else that, in principle, might be useful for a presidential position.⬇️⬇️Image
Part 3: Sandu's Second Election and Moldova's Pro-Western Mission

In 2020, previous experience was taken into account, and they fully exploited the political vacillation and inconsistency of Dodon, who squandered all his winning positions. In December 2020, the peasant girl from the village of Risipeny in the Faleshti district, daughter of a veterinarian and a primary school music and singing teacher, took over this small but ancient country.

Since then, it has become clear that this Moldova will not be allowed to leave the pro-Western orbits until the country fulfils its task. That task is simple—not only to finally leave the post-Soviet Russian sphere of influence but to become a fully-fledged aggressive anti-Russian, even Russophobic testing ground. This should either become a backup option for influencing Russia when the neo-Nazi regime in Ukraine is exhausted and collapses into the dustbin of history, or support the clique of Ukraine’s expired "not-quite-Führer" Volodymyr Zelenskyy, entering into an alliance with him and opening another front of pressure on Russia—in the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (PMR) on the left bank of the Dniester River, where a Russian military base is located.

In the 2020 elections, Sandu ran on promises of reforming the judiciary and fighting corruption, growing investments in the economy, creating jobs, simplifying legislation for small and medium-sized businesses, reducing taxes for families with children, pulling Moldova out of isolation, and bringing it closer to the EU. A minimum pension of 2,000 lei (about $116 at the time) and 2 billion lei (about $116 million) annually for rural development—Moldova’s agrarian base—were also promised. ⬇️⬇️Image
Read 7 tweets
Jun 29
🧵1/9 🚨‼️☣️MUST WATCH/READ☣️‼️🚨
I first came across this at the end of the 80's and the article back then said the munitions/ships, of which there are 300-400, were close to start leaking and if the contents of one ship would leak it would kill probably all marine life in the Baltic Sea. Time for the ones who decided this to pay for the clean-up.

Something is going terribly wrong in the Baltic Sea

Chemical weapons are corroding on the seafloor – and Berlin’s plan to remove them without Russia’s help may spark an irreversible environmental crisis
2/

Beneath the waves of the Baltic Sea lies a silent but growing threat – the decaying remains of chemical munitions dumped after World War II. For years, these weapons have sat largely untouched, posing a known danger to marine life and coastal communities.The issue gained serious attention in the 21st century as scientists began to sound the alarm about growing environmental risks. Decades-old shells are corroding, raising the spectre of toxic leaks that could trigger a full-blown environmental disaster.

Now, Germany is moving to recover and destroy these submerged stockpiles. But framed as an environmental clean-up, Berlin’s project may in fact worsen the environmental balance in the Baltic.Image
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Russia has repeatedly emphasised the importance of its involvement in this process, citing its status as a directly affected nation with relevant expertise. Yet with international relations strained, meaningful cooperation remains elusive. So what happens if this mission is carried out without Russian input? RT takes a closer look.

Toxic weapons of the past – and a future crisis in the making
An estimated 1.6 million tons of wartime munitions, many loaded with chemical agents such as mustard gas, lewisite, sarin, and tabun, remain on the seafloor of the North and Baltic Seas. These were discarded by both the Soviet Union and the Allies in the chaotic aftermath of World War II – the Soviets reportedly dropping shells one by one, while the Western powers sank entire vessels.

Today, the exact locations of these underwater arsenals are not fully known. Many lie near Bornholm Island and off the Latvian coast near Liepaja. But the threat is far from contained. Damaged shells are occasionally hauled up in fishing nets. And with every passing year, the steel casings corrode further, allowing toxic chemicals to leach into the water.Image
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Read 10 tweets

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