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Aug 19, 2025 10 tweets 4 min read Read on X
Brilliant economists are saying Hayek was right about the past, but AI changes the game.

"The calculation problem? Solved. Modern supercomputers can handle what Soviet planners couldn't."

Here's why even smart people are missing something fundamental. 🧵Image
This isn't new thinking. It's the return of an ancient conceit.

Soviet planners once believed they could organize society "scientifically." No more waste, no unemployment, just rational experts allocating resources perfectly.

They called it scientific socialism. We know how that ended.Image
What these AI evangelists miss is what Friedrich Hayek understood decades ago: the problem was never computational power.

The problem is information itself.

When the price of tin rises, you don't need to know why. You just need to know that tin is now more valuable elsewhere.Image
This is what makes markets miraculous. They coordinate billions of decisions using almost no information.

A price contains everything market participants need to know. Nothing more, nothing less.

The "economy of knowledge," as Hayek called it, operates on radical simplicity.Image
Economists proved this formally in the 1970s. Competitive markets are "informationally efficient." They use the absolute minimum information possible to achieve optimal outcomes.

No algorithm, no matter how sophisticated, can improve on this. It's mathematically impossible.Image
But here's the deeper issue that destroys the AI-planning fantasy entirely:

Much of human knowledge can't be articulated at all. It's tacit, experiential, embedded in context that no central system can capture.

How do you program an algorithm to invent the iPhone? Image
The entrepreneurs imagining breakthrough products, the local knowledge of specific circumstances, the cultural intuitions that drive innovation. None of this can be reduced to data points for an AI system to process.

Central planning fails not because computers aren't fast enough, but because the knowledge problem is unsolvable.Image
Today's AI democracy projects and algorithmic governance systems are just Soviet five-year plans with better graphics.

They promise to engineer away human complexity. But complexity isn't a bug. It's the feature that makes free societies innovative and resilient.Image
The fatal conceit lives on. Every generation thinks it has the technology to finally make central planning work.

But markets don't need to be improved by AI. They need to be protected from the planners who think they can build something better.Image
Want to learn how to defend these ideas when your professors push the latest version of techno-solutionism?

We built a survival kit that trains you to argue for liberty in hostile classrooms—and win.

👉 go.studentsforliberty.org/college-surviv…Image

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More from @sfliberty

Feb 10
A Czech playwright predicted the Soviet collapse 11 years before it happened.

While CIA analysts studied missile counts and economic indicators, Václav Havel explained why communist regimes would fall from moral exhaustion, destroying itself from the inside.

The experts dismissed him. History proved them wrong. 🧵Image
In 1978, The Soviet System Looked Permanent

Western analysts treated communist rule as unchangeable fact. Military power. Total surveillance. Complete control.

Political scientists predicted gradual reform at best. Revolution seemed impossible.
But they were missing one important factor.Image
Havel Understood What The Data Couldn't Capture

In his underground essay "The Power of the Powerless," written in 1978, Havel identified the regime's hidden fragility.

Communist systems didn't survive through force alone. They required mass participation in obvious lies.

Every citizen had to pretend the system worked. Every worker had to attend celebrations for policies they knew were failing. Every student had to repeat slogans contradicting observable reality.

This created exhaustion that military strength couldn't cure.Image
Read 9 tweets
Feb 7
Boston, 1860: Anti-slavery activists are attacked at a public meeting for speaking against popular opinion.

Instead of arresting the mob, Boston officials arrested the speakers.

Free speech was buried in the "Cradle of Liberty" for "public safety".

Frederick Douglass's response became the ultimate defense of free speech. 🧵Image
Boston, the "Cradle of Liberty", where American independence was born.

Abolitionists gathered at Tremont Temple to honor John Brown, executed one year earlier for his raid on Harpers Ferry.

Pro-slavery mobs stormed the meeting. Fists flew. Speakers were dragged from the stage.

Boston's mayor refused to protect the abolitionists. Instead, officials shut it down "to preserve order."Image
Weeks later, Frederick Douglass sat down and wrote something that cut straight to the mechanism.

His "Plea for Freedom of Speech in Boston" didn't just defend the abolitionists.

It exposed the institutional logic that makes censorship inevitable when authorities value "order" over rights.Image
Read 9 tweets
Feb 4
Ronald Coase set out to prove that Socialism was superior to the chaos of the market.

So he went to America to see how giant industries were actually managed.

What he found destroyed his worldview. And won him a Nobel Prize.

This is the story of how a young socialist became one of the most important economists of the 20th century by following evidence over ideology. 🧵Image
London, 1929. A 19-year-old economics student at LSE calls himself a "soft socialist."

The intellectual consensus seemed obvious: markets were chaos, central planning was science.

His professors had a compelling argument: businesses are already mini-planned economies. If planning works inside firms, why not scale it to entire nations?Image
For young Coase, the logic felt inevitable. Scientific management promised order. The invisible hand looked like randomness.

But in 1931, he won a scholarship that would change everything: a chance to study American industry firsthand.

He went expecting to document techniques for improving socialist planning. He found something that shattered his worldview instead.Image
Read 14 tweets
Jan 15
Frédéric Bastiat had 6 years to change economics forever.

Most economists spend decades writing papers five people read. Bastiat was an unknown farmer with tuberculosis.

By the time he died, he'd built a movement that's still winning arguments 175 years later.

You have four years of college. 🧵Image
Here's what most students tell themselves:

"I need more credentials first."
"I need the right connections."
"I need the perfect moment to start."

Bastiat had none of these when he began in 1844.

He had a failing farm, terminal illness, and six years left to live.

He didn't wait for permission.Image
Let me show you what's possible when you stop waiting.

1844: Unknown farmer in rural France. No academic position. No political connections. Just ideas he needed the world to hear.

1846: Leading the French Free Trade Association, corresponding with major British economists.

1848: Elected to French Parliament.Image
Read 9 tweets
Jan 7
Everyone Wants Democratic Transition for Venezuela

But how do you restore democracy in a kleptocratic state captured by criminal elites?

To understand the problem, you need to understand how Venezuela got here. This story is a stark reminder that freedom isn't lost overnight, but slowly dismantled, one piece at a time. 🧵Image
The Liberation Myth: Venezuela Started With a Promise

In 1811, Simon Bolivar liberated Venezuela from Spanish rule. He dreamed of a unified, free South America built on republican ideals.

But Bolivar's revolution created a nation, not stability. What followed was a century of chaos.Image
A Century of Strongmen: The 19th Century Belonged to Caudillos

After independence came civil wars, military coups, and regional warlords fighting for control. Venezuela cycled through dozens of governments.

Power didn't come from elections. It came from controlling enough armed men to take Caracas. Whoever seized the capital claimed to speak for the nation.

Democracy was a promise constantly deferred.Image
Read 24 tweets
Jan 5
“I'm against Maduro, but I think what Trump did was wrong.”

This sentence sounds reasonable, balanced, and mature. The kind of thing a serious person would say to avoid seeming radical.

The problem is that this sentence is, morally, one of the worst possible positions on Venezuela. 🧵Image
Not because it's moderate. But because it's a conscious escape. That "but" isn't prudence. It's a silent plea for moral exoneration.

The attempt to appear sophisticated while avoiding the thing that morality often demands: to hierarchize evil. To say what is worse. To choose. Image
Let's be clear about what we're "balancing" here.

Under Maduro's "socialism of the 21st century," Venezuela collapsed into hyperinflation exceeding 1,000,000%. Systematic scarcity created mass starvation. Venezuelans resorted to eating dogs and scavenging trash to survive.

These aren't political talking points. These are documented atrocities.Image
Read 12 tweets

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