In 1990, a Black Democratic legislator who ran Jesse Jackson's campaigns twice implemented Milton Friedman's free-market education ideas.
This is how liberty can win through unlikely alliances. đź§µ
Meet Polly Williams and Milton Friedman. On paper, they had nothing in common.
Friedman: Nobel Prize-winning economist, architect of free-market theory.
Williams: Former welfare recipient, inner-city Milwaukee representative, civil rights activist.
Yet together, they revolutionized American education.
In 1955, Friedman published "The Role of Government in Education," arguing that parents should control education dollars through vouchers.
Competition would improve schools, he claimed. But for 35 years, it remained academic theory.
Williams would make it reality, though for completely different reasons.
Williams wasn't interested in economic theory.
She was furious about forced busing that sent Black children on 45-minute rides across Milwaukee while white kids stayed in neighborhood schools.
"The burden of desegregation was put on Black children," she said. "Our children were being taken out of our community."
When the education establishment told frustrated parents "What do parents know? They're not educated," Williams had enough.
She wanted power in the hands of parents, especially low-income families who "always get left out" when programs claim to help them but benefit others instead.
Williams formed what she called "The Unholy Alliance."
Out of 99 Assembly members, she needed 50 votes.
Her own Democratic Party opposed her.
The teachers' unions opposed her.
Liberal establishment opposed her.
So she worked with conservative Republicans who supported Friedman's market approach.
The coalition made strategic sense. Republicans got to pilot free-market education reform.
Williams got to empower low-income Black families trapped in failing schools.
Both sides focused on the outcome they wanted rather than ideological purity about who they worked with.
Williams insisted on three non-negotiable principles:
This wasn't about helping the wealthy; it was about giving poor families the same choices rich families already had.
The opposition tried everything to stop them.
They proposed a fake choice program where the school district would select students based on "seven negative criteria"—essentially designing it to fail.
Williams rallied 200 parents to testify for three hours. Her colleagues couldn't vote against those parents.
The Milwaukee Parental Choice Program launched with 1,000 students receiving $2,500 vouchers for private schools.
It was the first modern school choice program in America.
Not because of abstract economic theory, but because a grassroots leader found practical allies to solve real problems.
Williams understood something many liberty advocates miss: "Labels do not tell you much about me.
I'm not a liberal; I believe in what works."
She worked with Jack Kemp and Newt Gingrich because they shared her goal of empowering families, not because they shared her party affiliation.
When asked if her Republican allies were sincere about helping Black families, Williams replied: "I don't care. I think they are, but they don't have to be.
They just have to sincerely want to push my agenda." Results mattered more than motivations.
The lesson for today's liberty advocates is clear: Stop demanding ideological purity and start building coalitions around shared outcomes.
Williams proved that a welfare recipient and a free-market economist can both want to empower individuals—just for different reasons.
Find people who want the same practical outcomes you do, even if they arrive there from different philosophical starting points.
True liberty advances when we focus on empowering individuals rather than winning partisan battles.
Sometimes the best ally for free-market solutions is someone who's never read Hayek but knows firsthand what it means to be trapped by government systems.
Williams changed American education forever by understanding what many miss: politics is about building coalitions, not finding perfect ideological matches.
She got results by finding common ground with people who shared her goal of empowering families.
Ready to learn how to navigate hostile campus environments without compromising your principles? The College Survival Kit teaches you to debate professors, connect with allies, and turn setbacks into opportunities—just like Polly Williams did in Wisconsin.
Imagine being so beloved that working-class families hung your portrait in their homes. Not because you were a celebrity, but because you actually cut their taxes and fought for their freedom.
Meet William Ewart Gladstone: history's most popular classical liberal đź§µ
This wasn't some academic theorist or ivory tower philosopher.
Gladstone was a four-time Prime Minister who dominated British politics for over half a century.
And here's what made him different: he made liberty cool, moral, and undeniably popular.
Picture this: Gladstone didn't just talk about free trade. He abolished over 1,000 tariffs. That's 95% of Britain's protectionist policies, gone.
He didn't just critique big government. He slashed the income tax from 10% to 1.25%. And he wasn't satisfied until he could eliminate it entirely.
Brilliant economists are saying Hayek was right about the past, but AI changes the game.
"The calculation problem? Solved. Modern supercomputers can handle what Soviet planners couldn't."
Here's why even smart people are missing something fundamental. đź§µ
This isn't new thinking. It's the return of an ancient conceit.
Soviet planners once believed they could organize society "scientifically." No more waste, no unemployment, just rational experts allocating resources perfectly.
They called it scientific socialism. We know how that ended.
What these AI evangelists miss is what Friedrich Hayek understood decades ago: the problem was never computational power.
The problem is information itself.
When the price of tin rises, you don't need to know why. You just need to know that tin is now more valuable elsewhere.
A 16th-century Spanish priest wrote the first systematic defense of sound money, identified inflation as theft, and justified killing tyrants who imposed taxes without consent.
Kings banned his books. Executioners burned them. The Inquisition tried to erase them from history.
But this Jesuit monk had developed the core insights of Austrian economics 250 years before Austria even existed. đź§µ
This is the story of Juan de Mariana, the original "politically incorrect" libertarian who out-Rothbarded Rothbard, out-Misesed Mises, and challenged the entire power structure of his time.
While most people think free-market economics started with Adam Smith, the real intellectual revolution began in the lecture halls of 16th-century Salamanca.
Born in 1536 as the illegitimate son of a canon, Mariana joined the Jesuits at sixteen and quickly became one of Europe's most brilliant minds. He taught at Rome, Sicily, and the Sorbonne, the Harvard of its day.
But brilliance wasn't enough for Mariana. He wanted to change the world.
In August 1939, Britain and France were desperately trying to stop Hitler.
They had one last hope: convince Stalin to join them against Nazi Germany. Instead, Stalin chose to ally with the nazis.
This wasn't an accident. It was ideological sympathy. đź§µ
The scene in Moscow was surreal.
British and French envoys were begging Stalin for an alliance, but talks stalled over Poland accepting Soviet troops and the Baltic states falling into Stalin's sphere.
Stalin was stupefied by British refusal. How could British imperialists, who had seized one quarter of the earth, deny him the right to annex former Russian possessions?
Meanwhile, Hitler was growing anxious about a potential Soviet-Western alliance.
In May 1939, Stalin made a telling move: he replaced Jewish foreign minister Maxim Litvinov with Vyacheslav Molotov, whose main trait was never disagreeing with Stalin. This wasn't coincidence. It was preparation for Nazi talks.
The Soviet Union promised equality, prosperity, and democracy for all.
— 7 million died in the Holodomor famine.
— 6 million people forcibly deported.
— 800,000 died during deportation.
— 40% lived in poverty.
Don't be fooled—life for regular people in the USSR was awful. 🧵
We're told constantly that socialism "just hasn't been tried correctly yet."
But the USSR wasn't an accident. It was socialism's most ambitious experiment.
And the results? A masterclass in how utopian promises become dystopian realities.
Stalin's Five-Year Plan gave the Soviet state control over Ukraine's agriculture. Ukrainian farmers were forced to sell their grain, land, livestock, and tools to the government.
They were enslaved on collective farms called "kolkhozes."
The result? Mass starvation from central planning's inevitable failures.