There will no doubt be pushback on the mortality evidence, which leans on the conclusion that non-trauma mortality is being heavily under-reported.
Having dealt with famine and famine risk before, I think the mortality conclusion is reasonable for a few reasons:
First, we know people *are* now dying of starvation daily. There are consistent reports and rates have risen sharply since June.
That is an extremely bad sign. Under-reporting is plausible since many die outside of the health system, or in areas with no mortality surveillance.
Second, we also know it's impossible to obtain mortality data in the most inaccessible parts of N. Gaza, where conditions are likely the worst.
So whatever we are seeing in the accessible areas is likely a microcosm of much worse conditions further north.
Third, we know from past famines that mortality figures tend to lag.
Awaiting definitive mortality data before issuing a declaration risks consigning more to starve.
In Somalia/2011 half of those who died did so before a declaration was issued.
We must not repeat that mistake.
So - what now?
It is imperative that professional humanitarians of the UN and NGOs be allowed to do their jobs.
They can't at the moment because Israel (while pulling out all the stops for their bullshit GHF debacle) is still hampering real aid work at every turn.
Only a handful of famines have been formally declared this century. Famine is totally preventable…unless someone does not want to prevent it.
Every country in the world with any leverage at all over Israel must deploy it with full force now, or they too are complicit.
What needs to happen? A standard, comprehensive famine response operation:
- Appropriate food aid
- Nutrition interventions
- Clean water & sanitation
- Health care to prevent deaths from complications
- Shelter and protection for the displaced
There's no mystery here.
If humanitarians have the space and safety to do their jobs, they can turn this calamity around.
If not, famine will gain ever greater momentum, become ever harder to contain, and kill ever rising numbers of people.
The Israeli government has created the conditions that produced this famine. And they have shown repeatedly that they only pull back their restrictions in the face of intense international pressure.
Which brings us back to those who have leverage over Israel.
When I was in govt, we would often say: no famines on our watch.
This is a famine on Trump's watch. A famine on von der Leyen’s watch. And Starmer's. And Merz's.
That shame will follow them forever. This is reversible - but only if they have the political will to reverse it.
The world's famine alert system is warning us – in the starkest possible terms – that any remaining window to avert mass starvation deaths in Gaza is about to close.
As a longtime humanitarian who has battled famines and hunger crises, I fear that starvation in Gaza has now passed the tipping point and we are going to see mass-scale starvation mortality.
A thread on famine momentum, famine response, and what it means for Gaza today.
The latest reporting shows telltale signs of rapidly accelerating mortality - the kind of classic famine scenario we know from places like Sudan or Somalia.
Barring a massive reversal of Israeli policy, there is a little standing in the way of total collapse.
Throughout last year Gaza ebbed and flowed at the brink of famine, but never passed the tipping point.
Israeli aid obstruction kept Palestinians perpetually underfed but always relented just enough to avoid mass hunger mortality, as we wrote last Sept: refugeesinternational.org/reports-briefs…
The whole episode says a lot about the sincerity of whoever is pulling the strings at GHF.
First instinct is to put out a gaslighting press release denying the massacre reports, while pretending that whatever happens outside their perimeter has nothing to do with them.
Only after *another* massacre (which they also initially try to debunk) does GHF belatedly acknowledge that...maybe...there are some issues with an aid model that forces huge crowds of hungry people to cross long distances and then clusters them along IDF force positions.