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Aug 30 13 tweets 5 min read Read on X
🧵 Mutumwa Mawere — The Tycoon ZANU Made and Unmade

1/
In the late 1990s, he embodied Zimbabwe’s new dream.
From Bindura to sprawling empires, his rise was meteoric.
But in Zimbabwe, brilliance is always conditional — until ZANU takes it back.
His rise was only the beginning of a certain fall.Image
2/
An economist by training.
A World Bank Young Professional.
Later a Senior Investment Officer at the IFC.
He spoke the language of the IMF and World Bank.
A sharp mind returning home to build. Image
Back in Harare, he moved with power.
He built ties with Mnangagwa.
Worked with Zvobgo.
Had Mugabe’s ear.
Not just a businessman.
A political insider with intellect to match. Image
4/
In 1998, he pulled off his boldest move.
The acquisition of Shabanie & Mashaba Mines (SMM).
Backed by a US$60m government guarantee.
Overnight, he became the face of indigenisation.
But the guarantee was a noose — the state always held the chain. Image
5/
Through Africa Resources Ltd (ARL), his empire spread:
– SMM Holdings (asbestos)
– First Bank Corporation (banking)
– ZimRe Holdings (insurance)
– Turnall (construction materials)
– Ferrochrome smelters.
– Agro-industry.
– Manufacturing.

It was dazzling.
Zimbabwe had never seen a black tycoon on this scale.Image
6/
In Zimbabwe, patronage is a leash, not protection.
The hand that feeds also tightens the noose.
Mawere's Indigenisation was never ownership.
It was wealth on loan — until ZANU called it back. Image
7/
On 6 September 2004, the government seized Shabanie & Mashaba Mines.
The pretext was externalisation: US$18.46m (≈ US$30m today).
Mawere had already been specified under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
A new law — the Reconstruction of State-Indebted Insolvent Companies Act — was written for him alone.

One man.
One empire.
One law.
One destruction.Image
8/
In 2012, South Africa’s Supreme Court of Appeal confirmed it.
R18m diverted through a cession scheme.
He was brilliant.
He was guilty.
A tycoon undone by his own hand. Image
9/
But guilt was not enough.
In Zimbabwe, the state rewrote the rules to finish him.
The Reconstruction Order stripped him of ownership.
A state-appointed administrator took over.
Verdicts no longer mattered.
Power had already passed sentence. Image
10/
The fallout was ruin.
SMM collapsed.

Thousands lost jobs.
A whole town reduced to dust.

Not sanctions.
Not drought.
Financial devastation by ZANU-PF.
And by its chosen tycoon. Image
11/
Mawere was not alone.
Before him, Roger Boka rose and fell.
Both fed by Mnangagwa and Mugabe.
Both destroyed by the same hands. Image
12/
You can be brilliant.
You can be complicit.
You can even be both.

But in Zimbabwe, some wealth is never yours.
It is borrowed.
Unless you toe the party line —
or until Zanu factional battles decide your fate. Image
Sources / Further Reading:
– South Africa Supreme Court of Appeal, Africa Resources Ltd v. Shabanie & Mashaba Mines (2012).
– Zimbabwe’s Reconstruction of State-Indebted Insolvent Companies Act (2004).
– Mawere, M. Zimbabwe’s Lost Asbestos Empire (personal writings/interviews).
– Global Witness, Zimbabwe’s Mining Sector and State Capture (2002–2005 context).
– Business Day (SA), The Fall of Mutumwa Mawere (2004).Image

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More from @tafimhaka

Sep 6
🧵 Willowgate — ZANU-PF’s Founding Hustlers

1/
1988. Willowvale Motor Industries, Harare.
Output: 1,400 cars. Demand: 20,000+.
Ministers jumped the queue.
Sold Mazdas & Toyotas for profit.
The Chronicle broke it wide open.
Mugabe launched the Sandura Commission — a public inquiry that riveted the nation.
He staged justice.
Shielded the system that fed him.
Kept the ZANU-PF rot in place.
Here are the main hustlers.Image
2/
Enos Nkala — ZANU founder turned wheeler-dealer
Bought cars cheap.
Sold them on Harare’s black market.
9 March 1989 — bank slips exposed him before the inquiry.
He wept on camera — needlessly.
Resigned in shame.
Walked free.
Mugabe let him fall.
Not the rot. Image
3/
Dzingai Mutumbuka — education guru turned fraudster
He built schools.
Preached ethics.
Embodied the promise of education.
Then sold Cressidas like a hustler in Eastlea.
Claimed Z$27,500. Buyers swore they paid Z$55,000.
His family banked Z$55,000.
Resigned in disgrace 14 April 1989.
Mugabe shrugged.
The rot endured.Image
Read 8 tweets
Sep 6
🧵 Lovemore Majaivana: the Ndebele musician Zimbabwe struggled to love

1/
Born in 1954 in Gweru.
Raised in Mzilikazi, Bulawayo.
From church choirs to cabaret nights in white Rhodesia.
He joined Jobs Combination.
Led The Zulu Band.
His voice carried the city’s soul.
Yet the nation struggled to love him.Image
2/
1983 — Isitimela arrived.
It won gold for Gallo.
A landmark in Zimbabwean music.
He reworked Ndebele folk songs his mother sang.
Set them against guitars and keyboards.
Bulawayo crowned him its voice. Image
3/
His songs were warnings.
Testimonies for the ages.
Okwabanye warned against greed.
Uzakufa Kubi warned adulterers.
Badlala Njani Ibhola praised Highlanders’ heroes.
Umoya Wami gave voice to the poor.Image
Read 7 tweets
Sep 6
🧵 Simon Chimbetu — the maestro Zimbabwe turned its back on

1/
He gave Zimbabwe Dendera — a low-pitched, hornbill-deep soundtrack of love, loss, and liberation.

He sang in Shona.
In Chewa.
In Swahili.

He was revolutionary.
Irresistible.
Unforgettable.
But in the end, Zimbabwe walked away.Image
2/
Born 1955, Musengezi.
Hotel-band hustler in Highfield.
With brother Naison, he formed the Marxist Brothers.

Their guitars were sharp.
The rhythms deep.
The melodies sweet and sour.

They crafted some of Zimbabwe’s greatest songs.
Denda. Sekuru Ndipiewo Zano. Mwana Wedangwe.

Simon’s Yao ancestry tied him to Tanzania.
And to liberation networks across Africa.Image
3/
Out of that foundation came Dendera.
A sound named after the hornbill’s low rumble.

Where the Marxist Brothers had laid the roots.
Simon expanded the branches.

Samatenga, Botorekwa, Comma — his solo hits were many and irrepressible classics.

Dendera wasn’t just music.
It was Zimbabwe’s new heartbeat.Image
Read 11 tweets
Sep 6
🧵Eddison Zvobgo: Zanu strongman who wasted his brilliance on Mugabe, not Zimbabwe

1/
Rhodesia in the early 1960s.
Highfield stirs with new politics.
Among the firebrands: Eddison Zvobgo.

Brilliant.
Restless.
Ambitious.

Rises through the NDP.
Then ZANU.
Dreams of power.

In 1961 he marries Julia.
Partner in the struggle.

His pen built power.
But ultimately betrayed him.Image
2/
Prison follows after a fiery speech at the ZANU Congress in Gwelo, 23 May 1964.
Colonialism is violence and the only way to meet violence is by violence.

Salisbury.
Then Sikombela.
Locked with Mugabe. Sithole. Takawira.

Hard labour.
Grey walls.

Studies through bars.
Earns a law degree.

Mind sharpens.
Cell consumes him.Image
3/
Exile takes him to America in the early 1970s.
Harvard. Tufts. Illinois.
Writes on guerrilla war.
Teaches law.

Joins Muzorewa’s ANC.
Resigns.
Returns to ZANU.

By Lancaster House he is ZANU’s voice.
Mugabe’s pen.
The Patriotic Front’s wit.

He sells the revolution.
In English prose.Image
Read 9 tweets
Sep 6
🧵 Zimbabwe’s Lost Businesses — The Looted, Collapsed & Forgotten Giants

1/
Ziscosteel
Africa’s steel giant.
Five thousand jobs.
A city built on furnaces.
Bankrupt by the 2000s — wages unpaid, furnaces cold.
Essar came in 2011 — Obert Mpofu blocked the ore rights; the deal froze.
R&F tried in 2017 — factional wars under Mnangagwa killed it.
In 2025, Redcliff is still closed.Image
2/
Cold Storage Company (CSC)
Zimbabwe’s beef powerhouse.
Exported up to 25,000 tonnes a year to Europe.
Foreign currency. Jobs. Dignity.
From feeding Zimbabwe to importing beef.
Crony boards looted it in the 1990s.
The EU banned exports.
Perrance Shiri backed Boustead’s US$130m rescue in 2019 — it collapsed in 2024.
Abattoirs are largely idle in 2025.Image
3/
Air Zimbabwe
The pride of Africa.
London–Harare. A spotless safety record.
Robert Mugabe treated it as his private fleet.
Nicholas Goche and Joram Gumbo pushed shady plane deals.
Debt passed US$300m by 2010 — jets were impounded.
The airline limps on subsidies in 2025. Image
Read 20 tweets
Sep 6
🧵 How ZANU looted Zimbabwe’s War Veterans Compensation Fund

1/
Created in 1980 to care for the war-injured, by the 1990s it was a slush fund.
Elites faked disabilities — some above 100% — and looted Z$1.5 billion.
That’s about US$150 million.
In 1997, the Chidyausiku Commission exposed the theft.
Here are the names — and the loot.Image
2/
Joice Mujuru — 55%, Z$389,472
Oppah Muchinguri — 65%, Z$478,166
Perence Shiri — 50%, Z$90,249
Augustine Chihuri — 20%, Z$138,664
Generals, ministers, police chiefs.
All suddenly “disabled.” Image
3/
Reward Marufu — 95%, Z$821,668
Edgar Tekere — 90%, Z$262,162
Vivian Mwashita — 94%, Z$579,091
B. Murahwa — 93.2%, Z$616,811
Even Mugabe’s brother-in-law, Marufu, fed first.
Nepotism in raw numbers. Image
Read 5 tweets

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