🧵 Mutumwa Mawere — The Tycoon ZANU Made and Unmade
1/ In the late 1990s, he embodied Zimbabwe’s new dream.
From Bindura to sprawling empires, his rise was meteoric.
But in Zimbabwe, brilliance is always conditional — until ZANU takes it back.
His rise was only the beginning of a certain fall.
2/ An economist by training.
A World Bank Young Professional.
Later a Senior Investment Officer at the IFC.
He spoke the language of the IMF and World Bank.
A sharp mind returning home to build.
Back in Harare, he moved with power.
He built ties with Mnangagwa.
Worked with Zvobgo.
Had Mugabe’s ear.
Not just a businessman.
A political insider with intellect to match.
4/ In 1998, he pulled off his boldest move.
The acquisition of Shabanie & Mashaba Mines (SMM).
Backed by a US$60m government guarantee.
Overnight, he became the face of indigenisation.
But the guarantee was a noose — the state always held the chain.
5/ Through Africa Resources Ltd (ARL), his empire spread:
– SMM Holdings (asbestos)
– First Bank Corporation (banking)
– ZimRe Holdings (insurance)
– Turnall (construction materials)
– Ferrochrome smelters.
– Agro-industry.
– Manufacturing.
It was dazzling.
Zimbabwe had never seen a black tycoon on this scale.
6/ In Zimbabwe, patronage is a leash, not protection.
The hand that feeds also tightens the noose.
Mawere's Indigenisation was never ownership.
It was wealth on loan — until ZANU called it back.
7/ On 6 September 2004, the government seized Shabanie & Mashaba Mines.
The pretext was externalisation: US$18.46m (≈ US$30m today).
Mawere had already been specified under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
A new law — the Reconstruction of State-Indebted Insolvent Companies Act — was written for him alone.
One man.
One empire.
One law.
One destruction.
8/ In 2012, South Africa’s Supreme Court of Appeal confirmed it.
R18m diverted through a cession scheme.
He was brilliant.
He was guilty.
A tycoon undone by his own hand.
9/ But guilt was not enough.
In Zimbabwe, the state rewrote the rules to finish him.
The Reconstruction Order stripped him of ownership.
A state-appointed administrator took over.
Verdicts no longer mattered.
Power had already passed sentence.
10/ The fallout was ruin.
SMM collapsed.
Thousands lost jobs.
A whole town reduced to dust.
Not sanctions.
Not drought.
Financial devastation by ZANU-PF.
And by its chosen tycoon.
11/ Mawere was not alone.
Before him, Roger Boka rose and fell.
Both fed by Mnangagwa and Mugabe.
Both destroyed by the same hands.
12/ You can be brilliant.
You can be complicit.
You can even be both.
But in Zimbabwe, some wealth is never yours.
It is borrowed.
Unless you toe the party line —
or until Zanu factional battles decide your fate.
Sources / Further Reading:
– South Africa Supreme Court of Appeal, Africa Resources Ltd v. Shabanie & Mashaba Mines (2012).
– Zimbabwe’s Reconstruction of State-Indebted Insolvent Companies Act (2004).
– Mawere, M. Zimbabwe’s Lost Asbestos Empire (personal writings/interviews).
– Global Witness, Zimbabwe’s Mining Sector and State Capture (2002–2005 context).
– Business Day (SA), The Fall of Mutumwa Mawere (2004).
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🧵 Zimbabwe’s 20 Worst Cabinet Members since 1980 Rated — From the merely useless to the utterly destructive.
1/
At the bottom — Emmerson Mnangagwa (1/10).
Gukurahundi massacres in the 80s.
Congo looting in the 90s.
Civilian killings in 2008, 2018 and 2019.
Botched elections.
Economic fiascos.
Gold Mafia scandal.
Nepotism — gave ministerial posts to his son and nephew.
Zimbabwe’s worst minister, worst vice president, worst president.
Corrupt, violent, ruthless.
The butcher of Zimbabwe’s democracy.
2/
Ignatius Chombo (1/10)
Local Government 2000–15.
Unleashed Operation Murambatsvina in 2005 — 700,000 made homeless.
Hoarded mansions, farms and luxury cars.
After the coup, soldiers found trunks of stolen cash in his home.
Destroyed lives, then looted the rubble — corrupt, greedy, and heartless.
3/
Joseph Made (1/10)
Agriculture 2000–13.
Declared the country had enough food when silos were empty.
Seized and wrecked Kondozi — USD $15m a year wiped out.
5,000 livelihoods erased.
Food production collapsed.
He farmed famine, not food.
Inept, reckless, negligent.
1/ April 2004. Easter weekend.
Before dawn, soldiers storm Kondozi Estate.
Crouched low. Guns out.
5,000 workers stand helpless.
ZANU-PF kills a $15m lifeline.
2/ Kondozi wasn’t a white farm.
It was black-led.
Edwin Moyo ran it with the De Klerks.
Their vegetables filled UK supermarket shelves.
US$15 million a year.
Foreign currency flowing.
3/ 5,000 jobs.
Homes. Schools. Clinics.
Entire families lived on Kondozi.
When the state took it, poverty arrived at their doors.
🧵 ZANU’s Congo Heist — How Generals & Cronies Turned War Into a Billion-Dollar Loot
1/ Aug 1998 — Zimbabwe’s economy is buckling, factories silent, bread queues winding through Harare.
Instead of fixing the crisis, Mugabe dispatches ~11,000 soldiers to prop up Laurent Kabila’s crumbling DRC regime.
The pretext: Pan-African solidarity.
The reality: ZANU-PF hijacking the state — using taxpayers’ money and the national army as a private investment arm for generals, ministers, and businessmen. It was foreign policy as organised crime.
2/ In Kinshasa’s war rooms, Zimbabwe’s delegation moved like buyers at an auction.
In essence, it was a cabal — Mnangagwa brokering politics, Zvinavashe guaranteeing military muscle, Shiri running the airlift, Sekeremayi tying up the paperwork.
Orbiting them: Rautenbach (cobalt), Bredenkamp (guns & mining), al-Shanfari (diamonds).
They weren’t defending sovereignty — they were shopping for mineral kingdoms at gunpoint.
3/ They built an extraction machine draped in liberation colours:
OSLEG — ZDF’s corporate mask, grabbing mines and forests.
COSLEG — Congo–Zimbabwe JV that made timber and diamonds a joint family business for two ruling cliques.
Sengamines — a diamond fortress at Mbuji-Mayi, run by soldiers.
Tremalt Ltd — copper/cobalt mines handed over for cents.
The people’s army had been hijacked — its loyalty now pledged to offshore accounts, not the nation.
🧵 Black Friday — The Day Zimbabwe’s Economy Fell Off a Cliff
14 Nov 1997.
Morning: Harare’s currency dealers are shouting over each other, the phones won’t stop ringing, and prices on the board are spinning out of control.
By nightfall, the Zimbabwean dollar had lost 71% of its value. The stock market was gutted. Ordinary Zimbabweans woke poorer than they’d ever been.
This wasn’t “market forces.” It was political arson.
1/ By the mid-90s, Zimbabwe’s economy was slowing: falling exports, rising debt, and an increasingly restless population.
The loudest anger came from war veterans — ex-guerrillas abandoned after 1980 while ZANU-PF’s ruling elite gorged themselves on state contracts, farms, and foreign trips.
"We liberated this country. We will not die poor," warned one vet leader. Translation: pay us, or face chaos.
2/ Led by Dr. Chenjerai “Hitler” Hunzvi, the vets didn’t just protest — they threatened the state with the same violence that had brought it to power.
IMF economists warned the Treasury couldn’t take the strain. But in ZANU-PF logic, fiscal discipline was for losers; political survival was the only currency that mattered.
🧵 The Killing of Solomon Mujuru — How to Erase a General in Zimbabwe
1/ Beatrice, 16 Aug 2011.
In the dead of night, flames consumed the farmhouse of General Solomon Mujuru — war hero, liberation commander, first black army chief, husband to Vice President Joice Mujuru.
When the fire died, there was little left but ash, a few bones, and unanswered questions.
The State said: smoke inhalation.
Zimbabweans, hardened by decades of “accidental” deaths in politics, knew better.
This looked like the latest entry in a long ledger of assassinations dressed up as misfortune.
2/ Mujuru was no ordinary politician. He was the kingmaker.
A guerrilla legend known as Rex Nhongo, he’d fought from the front, commanded with charm and menace, and made friends in every trench of the liberation war.
The man who once secured Robert Mugabe’s grip on ZANU… was now backing his wife in a bitter succession battle against Emmerson Mnangagwa — a fight that had split the party down the middle.
At stake: the presidency, the diamonds, the machinery of state.
In a party where rivals vanish, factional warfare isn’t fought with ballots — it’s fought with bullets, poison, and, sometimes… fire.
3/ Hours before the blaze: whisky at the Beatrice Motel. A mysterious phone call — “serious,” said a witness — wipes the smile off his face.
A 10-minute drive to the farm takes 40. Groceries, meds, and phone left in the car. Unlocked. Keys — gone.
These weren’t the actions of a man settling in for the night. They looked like the loose ends of someone walking into danger.
🧵 The Nhari Rebellion — ZANLA’s Civil War in the Bush
1️⃣
Nov–Dec 1974, Chifombo (Zambia–Mozambique border)
In bush camps, ZANLA fighters rot with malaria, stomachs empty, boots worn to rags.
In Lusaka, ZANU’s leaders dine well, drive imported cars.
Commanders Thomas Nhari (Raphael Chinyanganya) and Dakarai Badza decide the real threat to the revolution may be inside the movement itself.
2️⃣
The Spark — Frontline Fury
ZANLA exploded from about 300 fighters in 1972 to over 5,000 by 1974 — but food, weapons, and medicine didn’t grow with the army. Fighters starved while the leadership thrived.
Ammunition was hoarded. Officers abused women fighters and handed out promotions to friends.
Nhari saw the “people’s army” turning into a warlord’s playground.
3️⃣
Not a Rhodesian Plot
Rhodesian spymaster Ken Flower claimed the uprising was enemy provocation.
In reality, it was born in ZANLA’s own camps — fuelled by neglect, corruption, and mistrust while the top leadership toured abroad.