In 1991, Milton Friedman made predictions about the War on Drugs that sounded completely insane at the time.
33 years later, every single one came true with terrifying precision.
Here's how a Nobel laureate saw what nobody else could: 🧵
Politicians called him a radical. The DEA dismissed his warnings. Mainstream economists said he was out of touch with reality.
But Friedman understood something they didn't: economics doesn't care about good intentions.
Friedman's first prediction was the most counterintuitive: "The government is basically protecting the drug cartels."
Wait, what? How does fighting drugs help the bad guys?
His economic logic was devastating...
"In any normal business—potatoes, cars, whatever—thousands of people can compete. But drug prohibition makes it so expensive and risky that only the biggest, most sophisticated criminals can survive."
Prohibition wasn't fighting cartels. It was creating them.
What actually happened? Drug cartels now control over $150 billion annually. The Sinaloa Cartel alone makes more money than Netflix, Starbucks, and Nike combined.
Friedman saw this coming three decades ago.
His second prediction was just as wild: "Prohibition will push people from mild drugs to dangerous ones."
The reasoning? When authorities crack down on bulky, less potent substances, dealers shift to compact, concentrated alternatives that are harder to detect.
What happened? The DEA's crackdown on prescription opioids created exactly what Friedman predicted. When legitimate pain clinics shut down, users turned to street alternatives.
Enter fentanyl—50 times more potent than heroin, easier to smuggle, and infinitely more deadly.
But his most insightful analysis was about crack cocaine: "Crack would never have existed without prohibition."
His logic? Prohibition made powder cocaine so expensive that dealers desperately needed a cheaper way to package it.
Crack had appeared in the mid-1980s, and by 1991 Friedman could see the pattern clearly. Dealers created something more addictive and destructive just to reach lower-income markets.
Prohibition didn't stop cocaine. It spawned something worse.
Friedman also made a darker prediction: "American drug policy will lead to thousands of deaths and enormous loss of wealth in countries like Colombia, Peru and Mexico."
He saw that America's failed enforcement would export violence abroad.
What happened? The American drug war has destabilized entire regions. Colombia alone has seen over 220,000 deaths in drug-related conflicts since the 1980s. Mexico's death toll exceeds 350,000.
America exported its policy failure as violence.
Friedman was blunt about the moral problem: "What business does America have destroying and leading to the killing of thousands of people in Colombia because it cannot enforce its own laws?"
If Americans could actually stop drug demand, there would be no foreign cartels.
But here's the kicker. Friedman predicted the government would become the cartels' best business partner.
"By arresting small competitors and keeping prices high, prohibition gives cartels everything a monopolist could dream of."
The results speak for themselves. Cocaine prices fell 80% while purity increased 45%. Small dealers got arrested, big cartels got stronger.
Prohibition created perfect monopoly conditions, exactly as he warned.
Every single prediction came true with devastating accuracy. Friedman didn't have supernatural powers. He just understood that government interventions create the exact problems they claim to solve.
The pattern is always the same.
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A Czech playwright predicted the Soviet collapse 11 years before it happened.
While CIA analysts studied missile counts and economic indicators, Václav Havel explained why communist regimes would fall from moral exhaustion, destroying itself from the inside.
The experts dismissed him. History proved them wrong. 🧵
In 1978, The Soviet System Looked Permanent
Western analysts treated communist rule as unchangeable fact. Military power. Total surveillance. Complete control.
Political scientists predicted gradual reform at best. Revolution seemed impossible.
But they were missing one important factor.
Havel Understood What The Data Couldn't Capture
In his underground essay "The Power of the Powerless," written in 1978, Havel identified the regime's hidden fragility.
Communist systems didn't survive through force alone. They required mass participation in obvious lies.
Every citizen had to pretend the system worked. Every worker had to attend celebrations for policies they knew were failing. Every student had to repeat slogans contradicting observable reality.
This created exhaustion that military strength couldn't cure.
Ronald Coase set out to prove that Socialism was superior to the chaos of the market.
So he went to America to see how giant industries were actually managed.
What he found destroyed his worldview. And won him a Nobel Prize.
This is the story of how a young socialist became one of the most important economists of the 20th century by following evidence over ideology. 🧵
London, 1929. A 19-year-old economics student at LSE calls himself a "soft socialist."
The intellectual consensus seemed obvious: markets were chaos, central planning was science.
His professors had a compelling argument: businesses are already mini-planned economies. If planning works inside firms, why not scale it to entire nations?
For young Coase, the logic felt inevitable. Scientific management promised order. The invisible hand looked like randomness.
But in 1931, he won a scholarship that would change everything: a chance to study American industry firsthand.
He went expecting to document techniques for improving socialist planning. He found something that shattered his worldview instead.
Everyone Wants Democratic Transition for Venezuela
But how do you restore democracy in a kleptocratic state captured by criminal elites?
To understand the problem, you need to understand how Venezuela got here. This story is a stark reminder that freedom isn't lost overnight, but slowly dismantled, one piece at a time. 🧵
The Liberation Myth: Venezuela Started With a Promise
In 1811, Simon Bolivar liberated Venezuela from Spanish rule. He dreamed of a unified, free South America built on republican ideals.
But Bolivar's revolution created a nation, not stability. What followed was a century of chaos.
A Century of Strongmen: The 19th Century Belonged to Caudillos
After independence came civil wars, military coups, and regional warlords fighting for control. Venezuela cycled through dozens of governments.
Power didn't come from elections. It came from controlling enough armed men to take Caracas. Whoever seized the capital claimed to speak for the nation.
“I'm against Maduro, but I think what Trump did was wrong.”
This sentence sounds reasonable, balanced, and mature. The kind of thing a serious person would say to avoid seeming radical.
The problem is that this sentence is, morally, one of the worst possible positions on Venezuela. 🧵
Not because it's moderate. But because it's a conscious escape. That "but" isn't prudence. It's a silent plea for moral exoneration.
The attempt to appear sophisticated while avoiding the thing that morality often demands: to hierarchize evil. To say what is worse. To choose.
Let's be clear about what we're "balancing" here.
Under Maduro's "socialism of the 21st century," Venezuela collapsed into hyperinflation exceeding 1,000,000%. Systematic scarcity created mass starvation. Venezuelans resorted to eating dogs and scavenging trash to survive.
These aren't political talking points. These are documented atrocities.