Six Nigerians crowdfunded and transferred $782,000 to Boko Haram
Abdurrahman Ado Musa,
Salihu Yusuf Adamu,
Bashir Ali Yusuf,
Muhammed Ibrahim Isa,
Ibrahim Ali Alhassan,
Surajo Abubakar Muhammad
These are men who on a normal day were supposed to be ordinary businessmen in
the UAE, but rather were cogs in a terrorist financing machine.
They were caught setting up a Boko Haram cell disguised as legitimate bureau de change (BDC) operations. They funneled what was about ₦300 million at the time, from Dubai to BH between 2015-2016.
According to them, unidentified Arab intermediaries flew in from Turkey with cash bundles deposits. The six received them in Dubai, converted to naira equivalents, and wired to Boko Haram operatives in Nigeria.
The key players: Surajo Abubakar Muhammad, a BDC operator, was a central facilitator—instructed Nigerian partners on payouts.
Salihu Yusuf Adamu handled direct transfers knowingly. Ibrahim Ali Alhassan and others assisted in the chain, all under the guise of forex trading.
Their arrests hit in April 2017—by 2019, the Abu Dhabi Federal Court of Appeal slapped them with heavy sentences under UAE's anti-terrorism laws:
Two got life sentences:
Surajo Abubakar Muhammad
and Salihu Yusuf Adamu.
The other four, including Abdurrahman Ado Musa, got 10 years plus deportation. Appeals failed by December 2019.
What started as arrests in 2017 for what seemed like unlicensed currency exchange violations quickly unraveled into a full-blown terror financing probe.
This misassumption delayed recognition of the Boko Haram link, allowing the network to operate under the radar for years. Even more alarming, there's concern that key Nigerian operatives could still be active, potentially recruiting unwitting Nigerian hustlers in Dubai or elsewhere to continue funneling funds through similar scams—where victims are tricked into transferring money that ends up supporting insurgents.
Nigerian diplomats and intelligence agents in the UAE were reportedly aware of the case, yet there's no evidence of proactive follow-up to dismantle these remnants in Nigeria, which shows weakness in the national security. Perhaps an intentional one.
Then again, on the Nigerian side were two shadowy figures: "Alhaji Sa’idu," a senior courier who arranged the Arab handoffs, and "Alhaji Ashiru," a
"Nigerian government official" siphoning public funds. This makes me wonder if National funds is syphoned laundered and channeled back to Boko haram in Northeast Nigeria.
Court records from the UAE case reveal more about their hands-on roles.
Alhaji Sa'idu, based in Nigeria, was a senior undercover Boko Haram operative who orchestrated the handoffs since at least 2015. He coordinated with an unidentified Arab intermediary who would fly into Dubai from Turkey carrying large cash bundles in US dollars.
The six Nigerians would receive this cash, convert it to naira, and wire the equivalent back to Sa’idu through their Nigerian business partners for distribution to Boko Haram fighters. Alhaji Ashiru, explicitly identified as a high-ranking Nigerian government official
and undercover Boko Haram member, was involved in specific transactions by diverting misappropriated public funds into the pipeline.
This points to direct elite complicity at the government level, and it raises questions about how such figures evade scrutiny in Nigeria.
The case file notes their names appearing repeatedly, disclosing a structured, ongoing operation rather than isolated incidents. Elite involvement is very much obvious, however Nigeria isn’t still ready to prob Terrorism deeper even as long as 10 years later.
A particularly serious revelation is the broader context of intelligence failures: The military campaign by Nigeria and neighboring nations to combat Boko Haram has been hampered by poor communication with concerns about information leaks which weakens teamwork.
This suggests deep infiltration or issues within Nigeria's military or government, fueling suspicions of internal sabotage that has prolonged the insurgency.
Meanwhile, UAE declared them terrorists in 2021. Then, March 2022, U.S. Treasury sanctioned all six under
Executive Order 13224—freezing assets, banning U.S. dealings. Nigeria followed suit: Abdurrahman Ado Musa blacklisted in November 2022, others by 2023. This wasn't isolated—part of Boko Haram's transnational web.
While the UAE and US focused on these six, Nigeria's own sanctions
committee has blacklisted additional individuals tied to similar Boko Haram financing networks. This includes figures like Fannami Alhaji Bukar, expanding the web beyond the UAE cell and indicating a larger diaspora operation across West Africa. This broader list, updated through
2023, shows the problem isn't isolated but part of a transnational ecosystem that Nigeria has been slow to fully address.
Nigerian response is often lukewarm at best. AG Abubakar Malami requested UAE records in 2020 for "fairness checks" and accomplice hunts, but no
Boko Haram's funding evolves—extortion, kidnappings, now crypto. In 2024 alone, Nigeria convicted 85+ for crypto-linked terror financing.
These six were Early warning of diaspora channeling. Academic reports
tie it to remittances and smuggling across West Africa, but Nigeria?? We know how Nigeria is. A very unserious Country
Remember Ali Modu Sheriff or Ali Ndume? Accused of Boko Haram links but never convicted, and nobody talks about it no more. That’s typical Nigeria way.
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Jyoti and Kiran Matharoo, Indian-origin sisters from Toronto are known for their lavish Instagram lives—luxury cars, designer clothes, and rubbing shoulders with celebrities. They often traveled to Nigeria, mingling with the elite. They first crossed paths with Femi Otedola around 2008.
At first it began as a possible social or romantic connection but got soured when the sisters tried to turn it into a payday.
The sisters claimed to have compromising videos and photos proving he cheated on his wife. They demanded money—rumored to be in the millions—to keep it quiet. But they didn't stop at Otedola.
They also ran a notorious gossip blog called NaijaGistLive, which dished out scandalous stories about Nigerian celebrities and businessmen. The site wasn't just for clicks; it was allegedly a tool for extortion, threatening to publish damaging info unless victims paid up. Police said the Matharoos had targeted over 274 people across Africa, raking in cash through fear and shame.
Otedola, no stranger to tough business battles, didn't pay. Instead, he reported them to Nigerian authorities. In December 2016, while the sisters were partying in Lagos, police swooped in and arrested them at their hotel. Laptops, phones, and other devices were seized, and what found at the end of the day was an INSANE "cyberbullying empire."
2016 Panama Papers leak disclosed how the Nigerian lawyers, from big law firms in Lagos secretly helps rich people and companies hide billions of dollars overseas. These lawyers acted as middlemen for Mossack Fonseca, a shady Panamanian firm famous for creating "shell companies.”
Shell companies are like empty boxes that look real but are used to stash money away from taxes, hide bribes, or launder dirty cash. In Nigeria, where corruption already drains the economy, this helped rob the country of up to $40 billion in lost oil revenues alone due to opaque contracts, suggesting a systemic issue where oil wealth might fund both infrastructure and illicit activities, including terrorism potential financing.
The most shocking part is, these lawyers were from respected firms, yet they enabled a system that keeps ordinary Nigerians poor while the elite get richer.
The Panama Papers were 11.5 million secret documents leaked from Mossack Fonseca.
For her extravagant money-spraying at parties, she was dubbed "Bujebudanu" – the bottomless pocket. Toyin Igbira was beyond just a drug trafficker; she was a cultural phenomenon and a self-made queen.
Her story, pieced together from NDLEA records, court documents, and
eyewitness accounts, reveals not only personal ambition but also the systemic failures that allowed her to thrive. This exposé delves into her meteoric rise, ruthless operations, repeated evasions of justice, quiet decline, and enduring legacy. Dropping out of Reagan Memorial
Girls High School in JSS 2, she lacked formal education but possessed an unyielding streetwise savvy. Starting with small-scale cigarette trading and smuggling from Benin Republic alongside her mother, she honed her entrepreneurial edge in Lagos' informal economy.
“The Aftermath of the death of lawmaker Hon. Justice Azuka who was Kidnapped, murdered shows the level of wicked politics practiced by Anambra state government led by Prof Charles Soludo— politics of Dead compassion
Rather than appointing or supporting the widow, APGA fielded
a rival candidate against Mrs. Azuka(who’s trying to claim back her late husband position) in the by-election, drawing ire from the All Progressives Congress (APC), which questioned Soludo: "How do you feel fielding a candidate to challenge the wife of a lawmaker abducted and murdered under your watch?""
I've been digging into this story for months now, piecing together whispers from insiders, police reports that read like half-finished puzzles, and the heartbroken pleas of a widow turned warrior.
This video of Eunice narrating her story on Arise TV about how the doctor who delivered her twin babies stole one, is why pregnant women should ensure their hospital allows third parties (mother, sister etc.) during labor. Disagreement from the hospital is a red flag; you should run for your life.
Eunice headed to the hospital to give birth to her twins. Upon waking, they gave her only one infant. She asked, "Where's the second one?" They stared right at her and replied, "What second one? There's just one." Excuse me? Eunice stood her ground.
She asserted, "I was pregnant with twins." Then they switched their tale. They claimed, "Oh, the other died." She responded, "Fine, let me view the body." That's when the chaos erupted. They informed her, "Oh, apologies, we can't display the baby—the infant's body had disintegrated." She pressed, "Alright, show me the fragments, the remains, anything." Quiet ensued.