In 1965, a German philosopher wrote an essay that would reshape American universities.
His name was Herbert Marcuse. His essay was called "Repressive Tolerance."
And yesterday, his ideas pulled the trigger. 🧵
Marcuse had a simple argument: Traditional tolerance is actually oppression in disguise.
When you let "oppressors" speak freely, you're just helping them maintain power.
Real tolerance, he claimed, means being intolerant of the right and tolerant of the left.
Here's Marcuse in his own words:
"Liberating tolerance would mean intolerance against movements from the Right, and toleration of movements from the Left."
Notice what he's doing. He's not arguing for equality. He's arguing for a power reversal.
Marcuse went further.
He believed that true liberation requires "the withdrawal of toleration of speech and assembly from groups and movements which promote aggressive policies, armament, chauvinism, discrimination."
Translation: Silence your political enemies. Take away their platforms.
Who decides who's "oppressive"? For Marcuse, it was simple: The right represents business, military, and "vested interests."
The left represents students, intellectuals, and minorities.
This framework is intersectionality's grandfather - dividing the world into oppressor vs. oppressed.
Marcuse openly admitted his approach might seem "apparently undemocratic" but justified using "repression and indoctrination" to advance the agenda of a "subversive majority."
He literally advocated for authoritarian tactics in the name of fighting authoritarianism.
Where did these ideas take root? Universities.
The same institutions that now teach students Israel is "settler colonial."
That hard work is "white supremacy." That standardized tests are racist.
Universities became idea factories. And the product they're making is dangerous.
@feeonline traces a direct line from Marcuse's philosophy to modern Antifa tactics:
"If one is an adherent of Marcusean philosophy, then one could easily justify using fascist tactics in the name of fighting fascism."
This isn't theory anymore. Look at campus reactions to October 7th:
Students celebrated "exhilarating" terrorism. Professors called murder "energizing."
When you teach that victimhood equals virtue, you create a culture that celebrates destruction.
Yesterday's shooter wasn't mentally ill. Reports suggest they were college-aged, with ideological messaging on the weapon.
This is what happens when institutions teach that some voices fundamentally don't deserve to be heard.
The pattern is always the same:
→ Critical theory divides world into oppressor/oppressed
→ Students learn violence against "oppressors" can be justified
→ Campus culture normalizes seeing opponents as enemies, not citizens
→ Someone acts on what they've been taught
Marcuse's "repressive tolerance" has become America's operating system:
→ Cancel culture silences conservatives
→ "Hate speech" laws target the right
→ Social media bans "misinformation" (conservative / libertarian views)
→ Universities fire professors for wrongthink
And when the system fails to silence someone completely?
When Charlie Kirk keeps traveling to campuses, keeps speaking truth, keeps refusing to be intimidated?
Then Marcuse's logic reaches its inevitable conclusion: "withdrawal of toleration."
Charlie Kirk's death represents the tragic endpoint of 60 years of campus ideology that frames political disagreement as moral warfare.
You cannot teach that some people are inherently oppressive and be surprised when someone takes that teaching literally.
The cycle never ends. As the FEE article notes: "Restoring power means that the oppressed become the oppressor and that leads to nothing but an infinite power struggle."
Violence begets violence. Oppression begets oppression. Ideas have consequences.
The only way to break this cycle is to reject the entire framework.
Good and evil exist objectively - they don't change based on your identity group. Individuals should be judged by actions, not demographics. Success should be celebrated, not condemned.
The battle against these ideas must be fought with better ideas.
As Ayn Rand wrote: "Ideas cannot be fought except by means of better ideas. The battle consists, not of opposing, but of exposing; not of denouncing, but of disproving."
Don't let them silence the next truth-teller through intimidation or worse.
Because as Ayn Rand warned: "The uncontested absurdities of today are the accepted slogans of tomorrow."
Herbert Marcuse's absurdity became Charlie Kirk's death sentence.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Ronald Coase set out to prove that Socialism was superior to the chaos of the market.
So he went to America to see how giant industries were actually managed.
What he found destroyed his worldview. And won him a Nobel Prize.
This is the story of how a young socialist became one of the most important economists of the 20th century by following evidence over ideology. 🧵
London, 1929. A 19-year-old economics student at LSE calls himself a "soft socialist."
The intellectual consensus seemed obvious: markets were chaos, central planning was science.
His professors had a compelling argument: businesses are already mini-planned economies. If planning works inside firms, why not scale it to entire nations?
For young Coase, the logic felt inevitable. Scientific management promised order. The invisible hand looked like randomness.
But in 1931, he won a scholarship that would change everything: a chance to study American industry firsthand.
He went expecting to document techniques for improving socialist planning. He found something that shattered his worldview instead.
Everyone Wants Democratic Transition for Venezuela
But how do you restore democracy in a kleptocratic state captured by criminal elites?
To understand the problem, you need to understand how Venezuela got here. This story is a stark reminder that freedom isn't lost overnight, but slowly dismantled, one piece at a time. 🧵
The Liberation Myth: Venezuela Started With a Promise
In 1811, Simon Bolivar liberated Venezuela from Spanish rule. He dreamed of a unified, free South America built on republican ideals.
But Bolivar's revolution created a nation, not stability. What followed was a century of chaos.
A Century of Strongmen: The 19th Century Belonged to Caudillos
After independence came civil wars, military coups, and regional warlords fighting for control. Venezuela cycled through dozens of governments.
Power didn't come from elections. It came from controlling enough armed men to take Caracas. Whoever seized the capital claimed to speak for the nation.
“I'm against Maduro, but I think what Trump did was wrong.”
This sentence sounds reasonable, balanced, and mature. The kind of thing a serious person would say to avoid seeming radical.
The problem is that this sentence is, morally, one of the worst possible positions on Venezuela. 🧵
Not because it's moderate. But because it's a conscious escape. That "but" isn't prudence. It's a silent plea for moral exoneration.
The attempt to appear sophisticated while avoiding the thing that morality often demands: to hierarchize evil. To say what is worse. To choose.
Let's be clear about what we're "balancing" here.
Under Maduro's "socialism of the 21st century," Venezuela collapsed into hyperinflation exceeding 1,000,000%. Systematic scarcity created mass starvation. Venezuelans resorted to eating dogs and scavenging trash to survive.
These aren't political talking points. These are documented atrocities.
They predicted the Great Depression. Then the 2008 crash. Then 2020's inflation surge.
A group of economists spent 150 years warning about the same pattern.
Nobody in power listened.
And every time, they were proven right.
This is the story of the Austrian School. 🧵
Modern economics had a fatal flaw.
For decades, mainstream economists treated the economy like a machine. Pull this lever, push that button, adjust interest rates here; boom, everything works perfectly.
But economies aren't machines. They're millions of people making billions of decisions every single day.
You can't predict human action with mathematical precision. The Austrian School understood this from day one.
It started in Vienna in 1871 when Carl Menger published Principles of Economics and asked a deceptively simple question: Why do people value things?
His answer shattered centuries of economic thinking.
Value isn't objective. It's subjective, based on individual human needs and desires.
Not labor hours. Not production costs. Human preferences.
In 1968, historian Robert Conquest published research showing Stalin killed millions.
Western intellectuals called him a propagandist. A Cold War hack. A CIA plant.
Then the USSR collapsed. The archives opened.
And every number he predicted was proven correct; or too conservative. 🧵
The 1960s had a serious Soviet problem.
While Conquest documented mass murder in Ukraine and the Gulag, Harvard professors praised Stalin's industrialization. British intellectuals visited Moscow and declared the future had arrived.
Anyone questioning this got dismissed as a reactionary.
One British historian refused to look away.
Robert Conquest spent the 1960s piecing together evidence from refugee testimonies, leaked documents, and demographic data that didn't add up.
His 1968 book "The Great Terror" documented Stalin's purges with precision.