Before his murder, Charlie Kirk was two things: a power broker in the Trump coalition and a symbol of a specific vision for that coalition.
You will not understand why his murder feels so cataclysmic to so many if you do not first understand what Kirk symbolized.
I have been thinking about Kirk and his appeal for several weeks now, actually. A producer from his show invited me to come on and talk to Kirk about China and Taiwan.
After I accepted this offer I began to binge his past shows, trying to prepare for the episode.
I also talked with several fans, asking them what shows they thought were best and what they liked most about Charlie Kirk.
This episode will obviously never happen now. But I can share with you what I learned about what Kirk means to the right--especially the young right.
This is important to do because those not involved in the new right's internal politics and controversies don't understand really what Kirk was about or what he accomplished. Most non-politicos tend to think of Kirk mostly as an internet provocateur chasing clout.
This is not accurate. It does not describe Kirk's actual role as a coalition-broker in the Republican Party nor what Kirk represented to the millions who followed him.
On that first part: No man save Trump himself did more to pioneer the electorally viable conservative populism that now defines the GOP—not just in terms of its ideas and aesthetic style, but also in terms of its institutions, leadership, money flows, and personnel networks.
Kirk had four sources of influence: his massive megaphone; his vote-mobilization machine; his personal network of activists, donors, politicians, and media personalities; and the trust of the president.
If all you have seen of Kirk are some of his more viral clips you do not understand how important he was to the MAGA movement. Constantly he brokered peace between hostile factions, connected donors with politicians and statesmen with staffers, acted as a conduit for
advice, money, and ideas; got bodies at rallies and voters in booths; training a new generation of leaders while securing favors for the old. He was the indispensable man on the populist right, the man holding the movement together.
His assassination was not, therefore, just an attack on a set of ideas: it was an attack on pillar of power.
The anger you see across the right reflects this. These people did not just know Charlie Kirk--they depended on him, &were grateful for what he did for them personally.
But Kirk was more than just a node in a structure of power--he stood for things. He stood for a particular way of doing things, a specific path for conservative victory. He was an especially powerful symbol to the conservative activists who hit college during the Great Awokening.
To understand what Kirk and TPUSA meant to those young Republicans you must understand what the young Republican on campus was feeling at the height of the Great Awokening.
He was feeling fear.
What was he afraid of?
Many things.
This is the context for Kirk's college appearances. Liberals lampooned him for debating 19 year olds.
They missed the point of what he was doing.
What was the point? I explain:
The overarching message of his activities was simple: You do not need to be afraid.
That was the central message of the man who was murdered this week.
There was an obvious corollary to this message, which Kirk often affirmed: if we show up, then we WILL win.
Not everybody on the right believed this. Many were ready to write off small-d democracy.
Not Kirk.
Kirk believed that the traditional arts of the American populist tradition--taking their arguments to the public sphere, and building vast machines to mobilize the apathetic, the unsure, or the afraid--could bring conservative populists a national majority.
Not everyone on the right, especially the young right, shared Kirk’s faith in constitutional liberties, popular mandates, and retail politics. Many of these young men were animated by a hatred for modernity that Kirk believed was spiritually destructive.
Kirk was convinced that one of his missions was to steer these young men to straighter paths. Here is how he described that mission in the last interview he ever gave:
Such was the mission of the man who was murdered this week.
Important brief from @Arranjnh for @ChinaBriefJT on the relationship between military power and the "new quality productive forces" that Xi Jinping has staked the future of the Chinese economy on.
If you have followed anything said by Chinese leaders since about 2020, you know that China has embarked on a grand quest to dominate 21st century science and technology. I wrote about that here: scholars-stage.org/saving-china-t…
The key idea here: a China that pioneers new technological frontiers and dominates high-industry manufacturing will grow itself out of its current economic problems and place itself at the center of the global economy for decades.
I do not think China hawkery vs dovery is that well correlated with having lived in China.
I do think it is correlated with career inside China. Journalists who have lived in China are generally far more hawkish than academics who did, for example. It is not an accident that both Pottinger and Garnaut worked as China correspondents before they went into government.
If you have never been to China but your area of policy expertise is climate, you are probably pretty dovish on China. If you have never been to China but your area of policy expertise is military affairs, you are probably hawkish on China.
This makes sense in a way. If you have spent your career closely tracking the PLA's naval advances by looking at satellite photography and financial statements of Chinese naval firms, and have served as a sailor yourself, it would be very hard to not be a hawk, frankly.
The other problem with Angelica’s post is that she has the causality reversed: thr Taiwanese nationalist movement did not form because foreigners created a historical narrative to justify it—foreigners took cues from TW nationalists not the other way around!
(This is also true for many bearish takes on China’s economy and politics: many ideas start with *Chinese* critics of the existing situation, get parlayed to their western friends in journalism/finance/think tank world, and then come to dominate the western debate about China).
There is this strange disbelief in Taiwanese agency in Angelica’s post: as if guys like Michael, who started as a blogger, could be responsible for the ideology of Taiwan’s largest political party!
Again, I just don't have time for people convinced of Chinese weakness. "bro they don't have a culture of innovation over there" sure, fine, but do we install nuclear at $2.50/W?
There are many bad things about China. So many. Could list them for days. Many sources of national weakness. Many real problems, problems that keep Xi up at night.
I don't have a lot of patience for people who try to portray China as some kind of wonderland.
But the gap between what the Chinese people are *currently* capable of doing and what so many in the west think of them is really atrocious. This is the most capable rival America has ever faced.