Classic__Liberal 🌲🇺🇸 Profile picture
Sep 26 2 tweets 2 min read Read on X
Woke Right "Civil Magistrate"

Do not be deceived by the Woke Right use of "civil magistrate", it is a polysemantic term that carries a mundane or layman meaning and an initiate esoteric meaning.

This allows the Woke Right to use this term in a Motte and Bailey smuggling operation.

Polysemy: Civil Magistrate

Everyday sense (layman):
“Civil magistrate” just means a judge, governor, or government official who keeps law and order.
Sounds harmless, traditional, almost quaint.

Post-Liberal sense (initiate):
“Civil magistrate” is the divinely ordained authority who defines virtue, maintains order for the ethnos, and can override liberal limits when necessary.
This is not just “administration” — it’s moral rule.Image
Woke Right Civil Magistrate Motte and Bailey

In Post-Liberal discourse, the phrase “civil magistrate” is not neutral, it carries layered meaning depending on whether you’re looking at the surface (motte) or the deeper (bailey/initiate) level.

Layman / surface sense (motte)
A “civil magistrate” is presented as simply a public official — judges, legislators, executives, local rulers.

It sounds like a benign, almost biblical or old-world way of saying “government authority.”

To a casual reader, it comes across as continuity with the Founding-era language (e.g. colonial sermons often spoke of magistrates as God’s servants of justice).

Post-Liberal / initiate sense (bailey)
For Post-Liberals, the “civil magistrate” is not just a neutral officeholder. It is the agent of moral ordering — the person (or class) empowered to enforce virtue, define the good, and discipline society.

Unlike Classic American Liberalism, which sees magistrates as bound by transcendent law and limited by rights, Post-Liberalism sees them as instruments of decision: they have authority to determine what is virtuous for the people and to wield coercive power accordingly.

In Schmittian or decisionist terms, the magistrate is the one who can “decide the exception” — i.e. declare what circumstances require suspending ordinary limits to reassert order.

Why this matters

For Classic American Liberalism: The magistrate is a servant bound by natural law and the Constitution.

For Post-Liberalism: The magistrate is a moral ruler, custodian of ethnos, empowered to impose order even against liberal limitations.

So when a Post-Liberal invokes the “civil magistrate,” they’re not just talking about officials carrying out laws, they’re gesturing toward a theologically and historically-justified authority figure who governs not just by law, but by claimed moral mandate.Image

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More from @ClassicLibera12

Sep 20
Friend/Enemy: Polysemy, Equivocation and the Motte and Bailey

The Friend/Enemy operates like most forms of Woke, on duality. A single term or concept will have multiple meanings, a layman meaning and an initiate meaning.

This is known as polysemy

You’ve all seen this before (yes even you Post-Liberals), “diversity” and “inclusion” being prime examples of this.

Diversity (layman)
Meaning: Natural variety of individuals in a free society — people of different backgrounds, ideas, and talents.

Function: Diversity is the fruit of freedom, not something engineered.

Diversity (Leftist initiate)
Meaning: Diversity = representation of historically oppressed groups in proportion to their identity categories.

Function: Diversity is not about freedom of individuals, but about power redistribution. More “diversity” = weakening structures dominated by oppressor groups.
Schmitt’s “Friend/Enemy” operates in the same fashion. There is a layman understanding and a Post-Liberal initiate understanding.

Friend/Enemy (layman/mundane)
On the surface, Schmitt looks like he’s just stating a fact: politics boils down to “us vs. them.”

Friends = the people you identify with, who share your values, who make up your side.

Enemies = the people who oppose you, who threaten your values, who make up the other side.

To an average reader, this is little more than “tribal politics,” the kind we see every day in elections or wars.

Mundane takeaway: Schmitt is a realist describing the world as it is — people group into allies and rivals.
But Schmitt is using polysemy to smuggle in an initiate or esoteric understanding of “Friend/Enemy”.

Friend/Enemy (initiate/esoteric)

For Schmitt, “friend/enemy” isn’t just observation. It’s metaphysical ordering:

Friend = the force of Nomos (ordering principle) — how man imposes structure, meaning, and stability on the world.

Enemy = Chaos — forces of disruption that dissolve order, brought by human abstraction, technology, and vice.

This is tied to Landnahme (the appropriation of land). Humanity’s fundamental political act is taking and holding land, which generates order (jus publicum Europaeum).

When manmade chaos destabilizes this order, history enters a cycle: new sovereign powers rise (also manmade), impose a new Nomos, and restrain chaos again.

Katechon (the restrainer):

The “friend” (sovereign) functions as a katechon, a restraining force against chaos.

This restraint is framed in almost gnostic-apocalyptic terms: politics is about holding back the Antichrist-like forces of disorder.

Over time, chaos erodes order, the katechon fails, and a new sovereign emerges to reassert a different ordering.

In short, for the initiated:
Politics is not about justice, liberty, or deliberation — it’s about a cosmic struggle between order and chaos. The sovereign (Man) decides the order by defining the enemy.
Read 7 tweets
Aug 5
Conceptualism

The Woke (Left or Right) and along with many other intellectual stacks operate on an understanding of existence known as Conceptualism.

Conceptualism holds that universals like “redness” or “justice” are manmade.

That is to say Man is considered a co-creator of reality as we perceive it.

It is a “moderate” form of Nominalism, better understood as constructivism.

Man does not discover reality and truth, he constructs it.

The reason Conceptualism is “moderate” is because it also holds a belief in an “independent” shared, perceivable and understandable objective reality.

But as we are all familiar with when it comes to say Wokeness, this objective reality is a facade. Conceptualist reality is veilcraft for constructivism.
The Telos of Conceptualism

The purpose or Telos of objective reality for Conceptualism is the landing stage or really fertile soil for Man to come to know and understand that reality itself is Conceptual and that Man is a Conceptual being.

Without an ordered, perceivable and understandable reality Man could not reason against anything to become aware of his own Conceptualist nature.

Hence an “objective reality” was constructed for Man to reason against in order for him to become aware or awaken to his own Conceptualist nature.

Once enough of society becomes aware or awaken to a Conceptualist reality and of their own Conceptualist being then they will have the higher understanding that Man himself co-created his own objective reality.

Realism of course refutes this. Existence, objective reality and its universals are all independent of Man and objective reality’s purpose does not serve Man’s own transcendence as co-creator (Man becoming God).

But the consequences of Conceptualism working within a shared objective reality is monumental.
Conceptualism: The Dangers of a Shared Reality

Because Conceptualism operates within an accepted shared objective reality it creates a whole host of challenges when dealing with those who uphold Realism.

The same words and concepts that both Conceptualism and Realism use to observe, analyze, describe, reason against and understand about objective reality, Nature and Human Nature are exactly the same. This is taken for granted by both ideological camps.

What is different and almost never identified is the >purpose< our perceptions, observations, analysis, reasoning and understanding of phenomena presented by objective reality serve.

For Realism it is the discovery of reality and truth.

For Conceptualism it is the manmade construction of reality and truth.

This is why Realists and Conceptualists often talk past each other even as they use the same language to describe the same phenomena. Their Telos of objective reality are at complete odds.

The use of shared rhetoric around objective reality is also why each ideological camp also takes their opposition at face value giving legitimacy to analysis when perhaps instead of refuting it.

No one ever asks the question by who or what authority sets the purpose of your analysis? Man or God (or Nature’s God).
Read 11 tweets
Jul 6
Dialectical Trap

The GOPe and Moderate Democrats

We've discussed the Hegelian Dialectic before and the basic premise is that it works out to contradictions until you have the higher understanding that they become "the same"

Aufheben: To throw away, keep and upliftImage
Image
We've also discussed usually how the synthesis is emergent from within the contradictions as if it had always been there inside waiting to emerge.

It is an InevitabilityImage
What you might be less familiar with is how the two contradictory factions if both operate under a Dialectical framework work hand in glove with one another.

Imagine the same spiral framework as we've seen here but represented as a tower and inside the tower there is a series of stairs leading up to higher floors. At the top of each stairs there is a door allowing access to the next floor level and each door is door warden, a guard allowing or deny access to each floor level.

Let's also assume that the tower was built by Progressives to serve Progressive purposes.

While inside Progressives attempt to convince you to move up to a higher floor level of the tower using "well reasoned arguments".

Now let's say that you are unconvinced by some of the Progressives well reasoned arguments and refuse to move to the next floor. You have valid concerns after all.

Suddenly the door above you opens and a Guard comes down stairs and tells you that they agree with your concerns and perhaps a compromise can be made with the Progressives. The Guard tells you he has some pull and that he can address your concerns. The Guard even effectively shuts down the Progressive on your floor down.

This sounds "reasonable" and the Guard seems effective so you follow him upstairs. Once through the door the Guard closes and locks it behind you. The Guard speaks with the Progressive for a few minutes and introduces you to him. After a few minutes of "well reason arguments" you begin to get frustrated with the Progressive again and ask the Guard to step in. He does but after a minute or two he shrugs his shoulders and goes back to the door.

You ask the guard what happened and he tells you "Whelp I tried...the Progressive wasn't convinced, sorry." You then ask if you can go back downstairs and the Guard grabs his weapon at attention and tells you no one is permitted to go back downstairs.

...you can only go up

This Guard, the one who led you upstairs and closed the door behind you is the

GOP establishment (GOPe)

This also happens with moderate Progressives as well and both can either be the "well reasoned" arguer or the Guard closing the door behind you...

Elon Musk is doing this even now with his new "America Party".

This process happens over and over and over again until you and or your political movement are politically nullified.Image
Read 4 tweets
Jun 22
📜 THREAD: Why the Non-Aggression Principle is Unconstitutional and Un-American

The Non-Aggression Principle (NAP) is often presented as the foundation of liberty. But it’s not.

In fact, it’s both unconstitutional and un-American.

Here’s why—and what a real American philosophy of liberty looks like. 🧵
1. What is the NAP?

The NAP is a principle central to libertarianism, especially Rothbardian and anarcho-capitalist strains.

It claims:

“It is immoral to initiate force or coercion against others. All human interaction should be voluntary.”

Force, in this view, is only morally legitimate in direct response to aggression. This applies not just to individuals, but to governments.

So:
•No taxes
•No regulation
•No moral legislation
•No public authority unless purely defensive
•No military action unless directly retaliatory

To libertarians, this sounds like pure moral clarity.

But it’s not American. And it’s not constitutional.
2. 🇺🇸 What is Classic American Liberalism?

This was the philosophy of the Founders—the actual political tradition that formed the U.S.

It drew from:
•Scottish moral realism (Reid, Hutcheson)
•Natural law and divine providence
•Common Sense philosophy
•Civic republicanism

In this view:
•Man is a moral agent, not just a rights-bearer
•Liberty is ordered toward virtue, not just freedom from interference
•Society is a community of moral individuals, of not just a contract
•Government (limited) has a moral duty and responsibility to safeguard and defend Liberty

Rights come from human nature—but they exist within a moral order, not in isolation.
Read 11 tweets
Apr 27
The impact of Nietzche's Christianity's "slave morality" and Will to Power on Christianity.

The reason the Woke Right call Classic American Liberalism weak, ineffective, inactive, and feckless.

How far does a Nietzschean form of Post-Liberal Christianity pull away from traditional Christianity and why and what scripture backs this?

A Nietzschean form of post-liberal Christianity, which seeks to integrate Nietzsche’s philosophy (emphasizing strength, will to power, anti-egalitarianism, and rejection of "slave morality") with post-liberal Christian critiques of secular liberalism, pulls significantly away from traditional Christianity. This divergence arises because Nietzsche’s core ideas are fundamentally at odds with the theological and ethical foundations of traditional Christianity, as rooted in scripture and historic doctrine. Below, I’ll outline how far this synthesis departs from traditional Christianity, the reasons for this divergence, and the specific scriptures that highlight the incompatibility.
How Far Does Nietzschean Post-Liberal Christianity Pull Away?

A Nietzschean post-liberal Christianity would depart from traditional Christianity to a degree that it risks becoming a distinct ideology, retaining only superficial Christian elements while fundamentally reshaping its theology, ethics, and anthropology. The extent of this divergence can be categorized as follows:

Theological Departure: Rejection of Divine Authority
Traditional Christianity: Centers on the sovereignty of God, submission to His will, and salvation through Christ’s redemptive work. God is the source of truth, morality, and meaning.

Nietzschean Post-Liberal Christianity: Nietzsche’s philosophy, particularly his proclamation of the "death of God" (The Gay Science, §125) and rejection of transcendent authority, undermines the theistic core of Christianity. A Nietzschean form might reinterpret God as a symbol of human potential or the will to power, reducing divine transcendence to a human construct.

Distance: This shift is profound, as it replaces theism with a form of existential humanism, rendering the concept of God secondary to human self-assertion. Traditional Christianity’s reliance on divine revelation is incompatible with Nietzsche’s call for humans to create their own values.

Ethical Departure: Rejection of Christian Virtues
Traditional Christianity: Emphasizes virtues like humility, love, forgiveness, and care for the weak, rooted in Christ’s teachings and example.

Nietzschean Post-Liberal Christianity: Nietzsche’s critique of "slave morality" (On the Genealogy of Morality) rejects these virtues as products of resentment and weakness, favoring "master morality" traits like strength, pride, and dominance. A Nietzschean Christianity might reframe Christian ethics to prioritize heroism or power, sidelining meekness and compassion.

Distance: This is a near-total reversal of Christian ethics. While post-liberal Christianity might seek to recover a robust, countercultural faith, adopting Nietzsche’s ethical framework would alienate it from the moral teachings central to traditional Christianity.

Anthropological Departure: Übermensch vs. Imago Dei

Traditional Christianity: Views humanity as created in God’s image (imago Dei, Genesis 1:26–27), with inherent dignity but fallen and in need of redemption through Christ.

Nietzschean Post-Liberal Christianity: Nietzsche’s concept of the Übermensch (Thus Spoke Zarathustra) celebrates the self-overcoming individual who creates meaning and values, rejecting dependence on divine grace. A Nietzschean Christianity might elevate exceptional individuals as quasi-divine figures, downplaying universal human dignity.

Distance: This shift fundamentally alters the Christian view of human nature, replacing dependence on God with autonomous self-creation, which contradicts traditional anthropology.

Ecclesiological Departure: Elite vs. Universal Church

Traditional Christianity: The Church is a universal body of believers, encompassing all who confess Christ, regardless of status (Galatians 3:28).

Nietzschean Post-Liberal Christianity: Nietzsche’s anti-egalitarianism and emphasis on hierarchy would likely favor an elitist community of the strong, excluding or marginalizing the weak. This could manifest as a church that prioritizes cultural or intellectual superiority over inclusivity.

Distance: This vision departs significantly from the universalist, communal nature of the traditional Church, aligning more with a cult of personality or aristocracy than a covenant community.

Soteriological Departure: Self-Overcoming vs. Salvation

Traditional Christianity: Salvation is a gift of grace through faith in Christ’s atoning sacrifice (Ephesians 2:8–9).

Nietzschean Post-Liberal Christianity: Nietzsche’s rejection of redemptive narratives and emphasis on self-overcoming (Thus Spoke Zarathustra) would likely recast salvation as a human achievement through willpower or creativity, negating the need for divine intervention.

Distance: This is a complete rejection of traditional soteriology, transforming Christianity into a secular philosophy of self-reliance.

Overall Distance: A Nietzschean post-liberal Christianity would be so far removed from traditional Christianity that it would likely cease to be recognizably Christian in theology, ethics, or practice. It might retain Christian symbols or rhetoric (e.g., invoking Christ as a figure of strength) but would function as a Nietzschean ideology cloaked in Christian language, akin to a syncretic or heretical movement.
Why Does This Divergence Occur?

The divergence stems from irreconcilable differences between Nietzsche’s philosophy and traditional Christianity’s scriptural and doctrinal foundations. Key reasons include:

Opposing Views on Power and Weakness

Nietzsche celebrates power, strength, and the will to power as life-affirming, viewing Christian weakness as a cultural and existential liability. Traditional Christianity, however, embraces the paradox of strength in weakness (2 Corinthians 12:9–10), seeing divine power perfected through human vulnerability. This fundamental disagreement makes integration nearly impossible.

Rejection of Transcendent Morality

Nietzsche’s call for a "revaluation of all values" (Beyond Good and Evil) rejects absolute moral truths, including Christian ethics derived from God’s nature. Traditional Christianity grounds morality in divine revelation (Matthew 22:37–40), creating an unbridgeable gap between Nietzsche’s relativism and Christian absolutism.

Individualism vs. Communal Love

Nietzsche’s Übermensch is a solitary figure who transcends communal norms, while traditional Christianity emphasizes love and unity within the body of Christ (John 13:34–35). A Nietzschean Christianity would prioritize elite individuals, undermining the communal and universalist ethos of the Church.

Anti-Egalitarianism vs. Universal Dignity
Nietzsche’s anti-egalitarianism (Thus Spoke Zarathustra) clashes with Christianity’s affirmation of universal human dignity (Acts 10:34–35). A Nietzschean post-liberalism would favor hierarchies that exclude the weak, contradicting the inclusive call of the Gospel.

Nihilism vs. Redemptive Hope
Nietzsche’s response to nihilism is human self-creation, while traditional Christianity counters nihilism with hope in Christ’s resurrection and kingdom (1 Corinthians 15:19–20). A Nietzschean Christianity would struggle to retain this eschatological hope, leaning instead toward existential self-assertion.
Read 14 tweets
Apr 16
Dear @DataRepublican

Since you are a Database master I assume that consuming data in a table format may resonate with you.

Here is a table that goes deep under the ideological hood on the differences between Classic American Liberalism and the Woke Left and the Woke Right. Image

Here is a diagram of the strikingly different intellectual lineages between Classic American Liberalism anchored in Christian Realism and Scottish Realism and the Woke Left and the Woke Right based in Nominalist Idealism/Constructivismcoggle.it/diagram/Zr2IjP…
Here is a quick screen shot of the different intellectual Trees.

1st Pic: Classic American Liberalism (Realism)
2nd Pic: Everything else (Nominalism/Idealism) Image
Image
Read 4 tweets

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