But the procedural history now emerging is unusual. Before the arrests, a federal magistrate judge found no probable cause to arrest them. The government appealed anyway.
Here’s why that matters—and what it signals more broadly.
They’re charged under the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act. Written to protect abortion clinics, it also covers places of worship.
The government says the law applies because the protest took place at Cities Church in St. Paul.
The church's pastor, David Easterwood, is Field Office Director for ICE—one of the highest-ranking deportation officials in the Midwest.
Protesters were there to expose what they saw as an official using religious privacy as cover. Reporters were there to document it.
To acknowledge the government’s strongest argument: they entered private property during a service. When asked to leave, they kept filming. By staying, as protesters disrupted the service, they blurred the line between observer and participant—and created a legal opening.
Similar reasoning has been used against journalists across the political spectrum—including in the Steve Baker case, where an independent reporter was charged based on his presence and filming during January 6. The principle should be applied consistently.
But here’s the key distinction in this case: a federal magistrate judge reviewed the video evidence last week and drew a sharp line. He approved arrest warrants for some activists—but rejected warrants for the reporters.
He found no probable cause they committed a federal crime.
In a functioning system, that ends it. Instead, the DOJ appealed to a higher court to override the magistrate’s ruling and force the warrants through.
That procedural move—seeking arrests after a judge said the evidence didn’t support them—is the anomaly.
Prosecutors traditionally avoid criminalizing newsgathering unless there’s a compelling public danger.
Appealing past a judicial rejection to secure the arrest of reporters marks a shift in how the state approaches the press—regardless of ideology or the reporters involved.
And this isn’t happening in isolation.
It follows an FBI raid targeting Washington Post reporter Hannah Natanson, months of FCC threats over critical coverage, and Pentagon rules so restrictive that many reporters lost credentials.
History shows a pattern here.
When governments begin criminalizing the observation of dissent—using technical oversteps as justification—it’s often a warning sign. We’ve seen similar patterns precede press crackdowns in countries like Turkey, Russia,
First, journalists who step one foot over the line are targeted. Then scrutiny fades—and power operates in the dark.
The real question isn’t “Did Don Lemon trespass?”
It’s: why is the government working this hard to handcuff reporters?
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Jeff Bezos bought the Washington Post offering “financial runway." This month it gutted its newsroom—more than 300 layoffs.
Whatever you think of legacy news, the hard data shows us that newspaper closures hurt Americans. Here's how: 🧵
Between 2008 and 2020, U.S. newspaper newsroom employment fell 57%.
More than 200 counties are now "news deserts"—no local outlet at all. In another 1,500+ counties, only one remains. pewresearch.org/short-reads/20…
Studies show that when local news outlets stop scrutinizing government, efficiency drops. Public payrolls bloat. Waste increases.
The cost gets passed to you—roughly $85 in added taxes per person after a county loses one of its last few papers. sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
(1/10 🧵) If you live in NY, you may see a new warning: “THIS PRICE WAS SET BY AN ALGORITHM USING YOUR PERSONAL DATA.” This mandatory disclosure went into effect late last year, and it’s the first attempt by a US state to grapple with a new generation of surveillance pricing.
(2/10) You know dynamic pricing—think Ubers, flights, or concert tickets that surge based on supply and demand. “Surveillance pricing” takes this to a new level: using your data to set a “price for you” based on your predicted breaking point. This is, increasingly, everywhere.
(3/10) A December 2025 Consumer Reports investigation found that Instacart prices for identical items varied by as much as 23% between different users. Instacart characterizes these discrepancies as routine ‘A/B testing’. consumerreports.org/money/question…
(1/13 🧵) Here's my further analysis of the recent journalist arrests, for those not inclined to hunt down my posts elsewhere. While this is a political flash point, I do not believe it is a partisan issue. It is part of a pattern perpetrated by, and that hurts, both parties:
(2/13) What one party does to shrink the space for newsgathering is a loaded gun the next party can use. I’ve always covered this as a bipartisan problem—here I am in 2020 reporting on a DOJ whistleblower and noting that going after reporters' sources was a wider trend:
(3/13) That trend has continued. Under Biden: the FBI raid on Tim Burke (using the CFAA to criminalize finding public URLs), the Project Veritas "diary" raids targeting journalistic materials, and the delayed prosecution of Steve Baker for trespassing on Jan 6th...
NEW: Cuomo called the Obama White House to attack a federal prosecutor who was investigating him. It concerned officials there enough that they reported it to DOJ. Part of a pattern of Cuomo smearing investigators that continues to this day: newyorker.com/news/news-desk…
In April 2014, prosecutor Preet Bharara announced he would scrutinize Cuomo's abrupt shutdown of the Moreland Commission to Investigate Public Corruption. Cuomo called the White House in a "fit of pique" and "ranting and raving," officials there recalled.
Because any effort by the White House to influence investigations by a federal prosecutor could constitute criminal obstruction of justice, Valerie Jarrett, the senior adviser to Obama, grew concerned and ended the conversation.
“It was supposed to be temporary.” My investigation into the plan that stripped Britney Spears of her rights, her battle to regain control of her life, and the dilemmas of conservatorship abuse. With @jiatolentino. Read here: newyorker.com/news/american-… Thread below:
Last month—the day before Britney Spears called into court to say that she had been isolated, medicated, financially exploited, and emotionally abused—Spears called 911.
It was the latest in what dozens of sources said was a years-long history of Spears pushing back against an arrangement in which her father and others have controlled her legal, financial, and personal rights—and run her career, essentially, without her.
State Dept staffers say Mike Pompeo was obsessed with his presidential prospects and showed a disregard for his staff and work—once, he expressed annoyance at having to facilitate the rescue of an American hostage because he wanted to nap. New @newyorker: newyorker.com/books/page-tur…
Diplomats told me that Pompeo—who, according to an inspector general report this April, breached ethical guidelines in his use of staff for personal tasks—had left behind a Department with deep wounds.
Some wondered whether Biden was too establishment a figure to boldly course correct. Antony Blinken, in an interview before he became secretary, spoke to Biden’s loyalty to the status quo—as in his role as one of Egypt strongman Hosni Mubarak’s last defenders in the Obama era: