Boston, 1860: Anti-slavery activists are attacked at a public meeting for speaking against popular opinion.
Instead of arresting the mob, Boston officials arrested the speakers.
Free speech was buried in the "Cradle of Liberty" for "public safety".
Frederick Douglass's response became the ultimate defense of free speech. 🧵
Boston, the "Cradle of Liberty", where American independence was born.
Abolitionists gathered at Tremont Temple to honor John Brown, executed one year earlier for his raid on Harpers Ferry.
Pro-slavery mobs stormed the meeting. Fists flew. Speakers were dragged from the stage.
Boston's mayor refused to protect the abolitionists. Instead, officials shut it down "to preserve order."
Weeks later, Frederick Douglass sat down and wrote something that cut straight to the mechanism.
His "Plea for Freedom of Speech in Boston" didn't just defend the abolitionists.
It exposed the institutional logic that makes censorship inevitable when authorities value "order" over rights.
Douglass identified what officials won't admit:
When authorities refuse to protect unpopular speech, they hand control over public debate to whoever can mobilize the most force.
Not to whoever has the best arguments. Not to whoever tells the truth.
To whoever can credibly threaten disruption.
"To Suppress Free Speech Is a Double Wrong. It violates the rights of the hearer as well as those of the speaker."
Douglass’ words reveal why censorship is more dangerous than most people realize. When you silence someone, you don't just harm the speaker. You rob every potential listener of the chance to hear, evaluate, and respond to ideas.
The abolitionist movement needed speech rights not just to express themselves, but to reach people who might be persuaded. Without that pathway, no social change is possible.
Most people think free speech protects popular opinions. Douglass understood something deeper: free speech exists precisely to protect unpopular speech.
His argument wasn't about politeness or tolerance. It was about who gets to decide what ideas can be heard.
Douglass's analysis revealed how censorship actually works. Officials rarely say "we oppose your ideas." They say "we're protecting public safety" or "preventing disruption."
The mechanism is identical whether it's 1860 Boston or today's campus administrators cancelling controversial speakers. The excuse changes. The power dynamics don't.
When campus administrators cite "community standards," "inclusivity concerns," or "potential disruption" to shut down controversial speakers or student groups, they're using the 1860 Boston playbook.
The institutional incentive structure remains unchanged: officials prefer control over confrontation, order over genuine debate. They'd rather prevent speech than protect it.
Douglass would recognize this immediately.
Frederick Douglass didn't just complain about censorship.
He understood power, institutions, and how change actually happens.
He analyzed the mechanisms. Built coalitions. Created change that lasted.
That's the kind of activist SFL's House Douglass trains.
👉 Take the 60-second quiz to find out which House do you belong to: buff.ly/54Gfx0q
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Ronald Coase set out to prove that Socialism was superior to the chaos of the market.
So he went to America to see how giant industries were actually managed.
What he found destroyed his worldview. And won him a Nobel Prize.
This is the story of how a young socialist became one of the most important economists of the 20th century by following evidence over ideology. 🧵
London, 1929. A 19-year-old economics student at LSE calls himself a "soft socialist."
The intellectual consensus seemed obvious: markets were chaos, central planning was science.
His professors had a compelling argument: businesses are already mini-planned economies. If planning works inside firms, why not scale it to entire nations?
For young Coase, the logic felt inevitable. Scientific management promised order. The invisible hand looked like randomness.
But in 1931, he won a scholarship that would change everything: a chance to study American industry firsthand.
He went expecting to document techniques for improving socialist planning. He found something that shattered his worldview instead.
Everyone Wants Democratic Transition for Venezuela
But how do you restore democracy in a kleptocratic state captured by criminal elites?
To understand the problem, you need to understand how Venezuela got here. This story is a stark reminder that freedom isn't lost overnight, but slowly dismantled, one piece at a time. 🧵
The Liberation Myth: Venezuela Started With a Promise
In 1811, Simon Bolivar liberated Venezuela from Spanish rule. He dreamed of a unified, free South America built on republican ideals.
But Bolivar's revolution created a nation, not stability. What followed was a century of chaos.
A Century of Strongmen: The 19th Century Belonged to Caudillos
After independence came civil wars, military coups, and regional warlords fighting for control. Venezuela cycled through dozens of governments.
Power didn't come from elections. It came from controlling enough armed men to take Caracas. Whoever seized the capital claimed to speak for the nation.
“I'm against Maduro, but I think what Trump did was wrong.”
This sentence sounds reasonable, balanced, and mature. The kind of thing a serious person would say to avoid seeming radical.
The problem is that this sentence is, morally, one of the worst possible positions on Venezuela. 🧵
Not because it's moderate. But because it's a conscious escape. That "but" isn't prudence. It's a silent plea for moral exoneration.
The attempt to appear sophisticated while avoiding the thing that morality often demands: to hierarchize evil. To say what is worse. To choose.
Let's be clear about what we're "balancing" here.
Under Maduro's "socialism of the 21st century," Venezuela collapsed into hyperinflation exceeding 1,000,000%. Systematic scarcity created mass starvation. Venezuelans resorted to eating dogs and scavenging trash to survive.
These aren't political talking points. These are documented atrocities.
They predicted the Great Depression. Then the 2008 crash. Then 2020's inflation surge.
A group of economists spent 150 years warning about the same pattern.
Nobody in power listened.
And every time, they were proven right.
This is the story of the Austrian School. 🧵
Modern economics had a fatal flaw.
For decades, mainstream economists treated the economy like a machine. Pull this lever, push that button, adjust interest rates here; boom, everything works perfectly.
But economies aren't machines. They're millions of people making billions of decisions every single day.
You can't predict human action with mathematical precision. The Austrian School understood this from day one.
It started in Vienna in 1871 when Carl Menger published Principles of Economics and asked a deceptively simple question: Why do people value things?
His answer shattered centuries of economic thinking.
Value isn't objective. It's subjective, based on individual human needs and desires.
Not labor hours. Not production costs. Human preferences.
In 1968, historian Robert Conquest published research showing Stalin killed millions.
Western intellectuals called him a propagandist. A Cold War hack. A CIA plant.
Then the USSR collapsed. The archives opened.
And every number he predicted was proven correct; or too conservative. 🧵
The 1960s had a serious Soviet problem.
While Conquest documented mass murder in Ukraine and the Gulag, Harvard professors praised Stalin's industrialization. British intellectuals visited Moscow and declared the future had arrived.
Anyone questioning this got dismissed as a reactionary.
One British historian refused to look away.
Robert Conquest spent the 1960s piecing together evidence from refugee testimonies, leaked documents, and demographic data that didn't add up.
His 1968 book "The Great Terror" documented Stalin's purges with precision.