Of course you did, @nytimes. Right as Jews are going offline for a holiday, you publish a classic sidestep piece, trying to once again defend @NickKristof's indefensibly poor reporting.
Your failure of a defense ignores the substance of the problem and addresses only the process.
Let me explain: nytimes.com/2026/05/21/opi…
@nytimes @NickKristof Enough with the evasion. The criticism was never that sexual abuse allegations should be ignored. The criticism is that you published grotesque, incendiary claims while leaning on sources and allegations that demanded extraordinary scrutiny, not sanctimonious hand-waving.
@nytimes @NickKristof Kristof interviewed 14 people. He says that in each case, he corroborated the account through either a witness, a family member, a lawyer, a social worker, or a prior public statement by the same person. Those are not all the same thing.
@nytimes @NickKristof In his original piece he admits that finding witnesses was hard; "more commonly" he spoke to people victims had confided in. "In other cases, it was not possible."
So his new defense, i.e. they were all independently corroborated, does not hold up for 2 reasons:
@nytimes @NickKristof 1) it contradicts the process that he himself described last week; and 2) the things he describes (a prior statement for example) is not independent corroboration at all.
@nytimes @NickKristof Note that he very carefully omits just how many actual witnesses he spoke to, or for which claims.
And note that he never actually uses the words independent corroboration, because he can't. He just lets you assume that is what he means because of course that should be the line.
@nytimes @NickKristof "Deeply reported" is a made up phrase. “Corroborated when possible” is not corroborated enough to support claims of a "pattern of widespread" sexual violence.
@nytimes @NickKristof Then there is the Euro-Med problem, and the deeper sourcing problem it represents. Kristof acknowledges the organization made statements in support of the October 7 attacks. His response is that he did not rely on Euro-Med alone. That is a dodge.
@nytimes @NickKristof The question was not whether Euro-Med was his only source. The question was whether, knowing those statements, the Times found it appropriate to cite the organization's data at all and whether the column disclosed that context to readers. It did not.
What readers weren't told is that Euro-Med's chairman has publicly called for "a million October 7ths," is affiliated with Hamas, and has peddled claims that Israel harvests organs, allegations so discredited they serve as the old benchmark for anti-Israel fabrication.
@nytimes @NickKristof Hold my beer, says Kristof. I have a dog-shaped bridge to sell you.
Nor were readers told that when Euro-Med itself, in 2024, pushed the claim about Israel training dogs to rape prisoners, the organization did not independently corroborate the allegation. It made it up.
@nytimes @NickKristof Kristof cites the org that manufactured the claim as evidence for the claim itself. That is not independent sourcing. That is circular.
How is he a reporter?
@nytimes @NickKristof But Euro-Med is not even the worst of it. Sami al-Sai, one of Kristof's named sources and a central witness in the piece, celebrated October 7 the day after it happened, praising "heroic fighters" operating under the Hamas banner while Israelis were still identifying their dead.
@nytimes @NickKristof He admitted to compiling lists of Palestinian prisoners for Hamas, work that Palestinian intelligence characterized as recruitment for a terrorist organization, and defended himself by arguing there was "no law that forbids journalists from working with political organizations."
@nytimes @NickKristof The Israeli Supreme Court, reviewing his detention petition, found credible evidence of his affiliation with Palestinian terror groups and denied his release. The Times presented him to readers as an independent freelance journalist. None of his background appeared in the column.
@nytimes @NickKristof There is also the small matter of what al-Sai's testimony actually said — and when. Shortly after his detention, he filed a petition with the Israeli Supreme Court. He complained about the quality of the food. He did not mention sexual assault. Not once.
@nytimes @NickKristof By the time he spoke to B'Tselem months later, the account had grown to include guards inserting "something hard" into his body. By the time he spoke to Kristof, it had become dramatically more elaborate still — vivid, cinematic details entirely absent from every prior telling.
@nytimes @NickKristof The pathetic defense piece acknowledges that its central sources "provided additional details over time" and offers this as reassurance. It should not be.
@nytimes @NickKristof Details that emerge later, after a source has had time to develop a narrative and acquire an audience, are a reason for heightened scrutiny, not reduced scrutiny. AT THE VERY LEAST, address the issue. And yet:
The Times never explains the discrepancies, or asks why the most extreme details appear only in their version, or why al-Sai never mentioned the assault to the court deciding whether to free him, the one forum where such an allegation would have been immediately consequential.
The same applies to Issa Amro. In a February 2024 Washington Post interview, Amro described being threatened with sexual assault during a ten-hour detention. In the Times column, he appears as an established victim of sexual assault, part of a documented pattern of Israeli abuse.
That is not elaboration. That is a categorical shift — from threat to act — and the Times offers no explanation for it. No new evidence cited. No independent verification described. No acknowledgment that the two accounts differ.
Kristof never asks. Because Krisof doesn't care.
@nytimes @NickKristof The Olmert citation deserves its own treatment. Kristof quotes the former Israeli prime minister saying "Do I believe it happens? Definitely" and "There are war crimes committed every day in the territories."
@nytimes @NickKristof What Kristof did not tell readers is that Olmert told Kristof himself that he had no specific knowledge of the abuses alleged.
@nytimes @NickKristof After publication, Olmert issued a public statement:
@nytimes @NickKristof "Mr. Kristof's article includes claims of extraordinary gravity: that Israeli authorities have directed the rape of children, that dogs have been used as instruments of sexual assault, that systematic sexual torture is state policy. I did not validate these claims."
When a columnist's own quoted source publicly accuses him of misrepresentation after publication, that is not a detail the Times can wave away by noting that editors found no errors.
That is an error.
That is the error.
How the hell do you claim there was no error?
@nytimes @NickKristof The dog rape allegation receives the most careful non-answer in the Times' non-defense.
@nytimes @NickKristof Kristof says the source confided his account to the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel before speaking to him, that the Pinochet regime allegedly used dogs this way, and that peer-reviewed medical literature documents rectal injuries from canine penetration.
None of these things constitute corroboration. First and once again, an advocacy organization receiving an allegation is not independent verification of it.
@nytimes @NickKristof Second, the existence of analogous atrocities in Chile does not establish that this atrocity occurred in Israel.
@nytimes @NickKristof Third, the medical literature Kristof cites describes injuries resulting from human-initiated bestiality — not trained assault animals deployed as instruments of state policy.
@nytimes @NickKristof These are non sequiturs dressed as sourcing. The Times calls this rigorous. It is, in fact, bullshit.
@nytimes @NickKristof The timing question also has no real answer. The Times denies knowing in advance about the Civil Commission's report documenting Hamas's systematic sexual violence on October 7. The Israeli Foreign Ministry says otherwise.
@nytimes @NickKristof Reporters I have spoken with at other news sites have shown me the embargoed copies and the timeline they were given. It boggles the mind to believe that every news outlet except the NY Times had this info.
@nytimes @NickKristof The defense never addresses the most basic asymmetry. Kristof advanced a claim not that some Israeli guards sometimes behave illegally, which is true of every prison system, but that sexual violence is standard operating procedure, a systemic state policy.
@nytimes @NickKristof That is an extraordinary claim. It requires extraordinary evidence.
@nytimes @NickKristof Instead, the Times offers anonymous sources with no dates, no locations, no named perpetrators, and no footage reviewed despite the fact that Israeli prisons are extensively surveilled.
@nytimes @NickKristof It offers named sources whose testimony evolved dramatically over time, whose prior accounts contradict the versions told to Kristof, and whose backgrounds the Times concealed from readers.
@nytimes @NickKristof It offers an organization whose chairman advocates for Hamas and whose prior output includes claims the Times would never publish about any other country.
@nytimes @NickKristof When asked to defend this, the Times answers a bunch of charges nobody made.
@nytimes @NickKristof The criticism is not: “Never investigate abuse allegations against Palestinians.” It is: you published an explosive claim of widespread Israeli sexual violence, including unbelievable allegations, and you have not shown the evidentiary basis for making that claim at that scale.
@nytimes @NickKristof Not: do Palestinians deserve dignity? Of course they do.
Not: should abuse claims be investigated? Obviously.
Not: can Israeli officials ever be criticized? Please
@nytimes @NickKristof The question is whether the Times had the evidence to tell millions of readers that Israel engaged in a pattern of widespread sexual violence, including some of the most lurid allegations imaginable. If it is "deeply reported" then show the work.
@nytimes @NickKristof “Believe victims” is not a substitute for journalism. “Human rights groups say” is not a substitute for corroboration. “This is painful to discuss” is not a substitute for evidence.
@nytimes @NickKristof And “Israel is trying to silence me” is not a response to the charge that you published a modern blood libel without meeting the burden that such an accusation requires.
@nytimes @NickKristof The dodge is obvious. Kristof wants to move the conversation from “Did you prove this?” to “Why are you so upset that I asked?” Well that trick is over.
When you accuse a democratic state and its soldiers of systematic rape, you do not get credit for moral courage merely because the accusation is ugly. The uglier the allegation, the higher the obligation is to verify it.
@nytimes @NickKristof Especially when the accusation lands in a world where Jews are already being demonized, and every unverified atrocity claim is instantly weaponized against Jewish students, businesses, synagogues, and communities.
@nytimes @NickKristof Theefalse symmetry with October 7 is perhaps the most morally obscene part. The obvious subtext is: if we report Hamas sexual violence, we must also report Israeli sexual violence with comparable force, otherwise we are hypocrites.
No. That is not how evidence works.
@nytimes @NickKristof The question is not whether every side can be accused of something awful, it is whether the evidence supports the charge.
Oct 7 sexual violence was tied to a mass invasion, murdered bodies, eyewitness accounts, forensic and investigative materials, and a terror organization that took videos and published them.
The Times should really read that whole report.
@nytimes @NickKristof Bottom line, Kristof’s answer is no answer at all. Nobody asked whether sexual abuse allegations should be investigated. Of course they should. The question is whether he had the evidence to accuse Israel of a widespread campaign of rape and sexual violence.
@nytimes @NickKristof “Deeply reported” is not proof. “Corroborated when possible” is not proof. Advocacy-group claims are not proof. And moral throat-clearing is not proof. The uglier the accusation, the higher the burden.
@nytimes @NickKristof Kristof keeps trying to turn a demand for evidence into a lack of empathy. That is the dodge, and it should not work. You do not get to publish a blood libel in the language of human rights and then call it courage when people ask for the evidence.
@nytimes @NickKristof Kristof did not answer the criticism. He changed the subject. And when the accusation is this grave, changing the subject is not journalism, it is a confession that you are not really a journalist.
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@NYCMayor @RepRashida In 1922, the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine officially established an area in the Middle East to be a national home for the Jewish People and entrusted it to Great Britain.
Jewish people came from around the world to buy and cultivate land to further expand the existing Jewish communities that had remained in Israel as a continuous presence since Biblical times.
Terrible statement for three reasons: 1) Antisemites are protesting a synagogue event, and he condemns the people inside the synagogue — not the mob outside. 2) Protecting citizens is not a favor from the mayor. It is the job. 3) And, as usual, he is wrong on the law. Let me explain:
Let’s start with the most basic point. There is no “international law” that binds New York City. In fact, what most activists call “international law” is a loose assortment of nonbinding resolutions, aspirational norms, and political declarations.
None of these override the constitutional framework under which American cities operate. NYC is governed by the Constitution, federal statutes, state law, and municipal code. Federal law preempts state/local law and nothing is displaced by any external international regime.
Dear @BernieSanders
You are an antisemite. Not simply because you lie, distort numbers, misquote laws, and apply double standards to Israel, though you do. No, mainly because even as you do those things you never miss a chance to target innocent American Jews.
Let me explain:
@BernieSanders We can both quote international law; the difference is that my quotes will have citations, whereas yours are made up. Ready? Let's play.
@BernieSanders Yes they attacked hospitals- but, as our own Pentagon confirmed, those hospitals were being used as command centers for Hamas, which makes them (you guessed it) lawful targets under international law. Which one? This one: ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treatie…
Your constitutional illiteracy is matched only by your reflexive disregard for Jewish rights. You are wrong on the facts, wrong on the law, and wrong on the application.
@NYCMayor Khalil wasn’t targeted for “free speech.” He was arrested for conduct and leadership in a movement that has repeatedly crossed the line from advocacy into unlawful conduct. You can't launder illegal activity into “constitutional rights” just by calling it “pro-Palestinian.”
@NYCMayor Khalil led Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD), Columbia’s primary pro-Hamas group fronting for the suspended Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP). Both groups have already been accused in federal court of providing material support to Hamas. tinyurl.com/2y2spdbu
Dear @KevinRobertsTX,
I share your dislike of cancel culture and respect for open dialogue. That’s why I hope you’ll use this moment to show real leadership — by acknowledging a blind spot too many still share and using your platform to help others see it clearly.
Let me help:
@KevinRobertsTX The Supreme Court has long protected even hateful speech from government punishment. But that protection is a shield against state coercion, not a command that private citizens or institutions must lend their platforms to every voice.
The same Constitution that forbids government censorship also safeguards our freedom of association, including the right to say, with conviction, not in our name.
Exercising that discretion isn’t censorship, it’s responsibility.