Last week, U.S. officials called Cuba's recent economic reform package, its most dramatic in 60 years (at least on paper), "superficial smoke signals."
Today's SDN listings may have already been in works, but timing amounts to an additional snub.
I and others have asked many Qs about the reforms:
How will they be sequenced?
Will there be follow through or are they meant to buy time?
Can they work w/o political opening or accomodation w DC?
Will they just empower new elite but impoverish majority?
But rather than saying "Ok - there are some things that look like progress in right direction on paper (private sector expansion etc), but we need to see follow through on X, clarity on Y, and more on the political front," Washington is basically saying "Ask me if I care."
This is odd from an administration that weeks ago was telegraphing the message that progress in the bilateral relationship could at least start on economic issues.
Impact of today's additional SDN designations will become clearer in time, but is likely to be significant:
Almaneces Universales involved in import ops for foreign investors AND private sector.
BFI is commercial bank that investors & Cuba's int'l partners deal with.
As I told AP, if foreign investors don't have local commercial bank they can operate through, game over.
Bad news too for Cuba's service exports (eg for medical services) that generate hard currency to BFI or its corresponding accounts abroad.
Hotel companies still hanging on (under Ministry of Tourism partnerships) could have to further pull out.
I worry about food imports being impacted, given already dire shortages.
I want Cuba's economy out from GAESA's thumb as much as the next person.
But if DC is unwilling (so far) to engage in any back and forth in response to moves from Havana—I struggle to see envisioned end game here, except:
1. Immiseration to provoke social explosion 2. Military op 2. Devaluing Cuban state assets to such a point that Havana agrees to break up GAESA and sells off parts for small change to US bidders—ironically, something that the new reforms announced last week might facilitate.
If the status quo is untenable, neither scenario above guarantees a hopeful political future, let alone one in which Cubans are primary owners of their economic future vs. the country becoming a new dependency.
And that's reason to worry.
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Belly of the Beast (BOTB) published an interesting interview with economist Emily Morris (formerly of the Economist Intelligence Unit), in which she refutes the Miami Herald (MH)'s interpretation of leaked GAESA financial data.
The central allegation: that columns in spreadsheets labeled USD are actually the value of USD *converted* to CUP.
Thus, the famous reported 18 billion in total assets (cash and others) in 2024 is actually far less: $746 million at the official exchange rate of 1:24.
Is it possible the MH and the Cuban economist (Pavel Vidal) and accountants it consulted could have misread the spreadsheets in this way?
It will be interesting to see what Vidal and other informed analysis (ahem @pmmonreal), or the Herald, have to say.
By some accounts, U.S.-Cuba policy during the first Trump administration developed from a directive to "make Rubio happy." Now he'll have the reins even more directly. Some thoughts. 🧵
Rubio, like Nat'l Sec Advisor designate Rep. Waltz (also from FL), come from a more interventionist, neo-con, Bolton-esque foreign policy school than many rabidly isolationist factions in Trump world.
Yes, there is a strong anti-China mind meld between them, and yes, Rubio has pivoted closer to some Trump positions, like the need for a negotiated solution in Ukraine.
State Dept's annual Report on Terrorism just came out. In some sense, it reaffirms Cuba's designation as SSOT, notwithstanding pushes from activists & allies (& havana) to get it off list.
But are folks over-reading significance of report? I think maybe.
This report is issued every year. Presumably, there's a cursory review every cycle for updates.
But Cuba's listing here seems to me less a calculated "re-inclusion" by Biden than a reflection of standing policy, & temporal delay in info that gets fed into the reports.
To wit, though published in 2023, note that the report is titled "Country Reports on Terrorism 2021." IE, the title is telling you it's not necessarily the most updated.
...if interviewee wants to more effectively refute allegation that Cuba instrumentalizes migration to bring US to negotiating table or export discontent, seems important to address major grease in wheels over last year—
namely, conspicuous timing of Nicaragua offering Cubans visa-free entry, just 2 wks after Cuba reopened borders after Covid closures.
Biden's new border policies & renewed migration talks aside, irregular migration unlikely to slow significantly as long as that channel is open.
Durísimo golpe for Cubans and others already en route and who in many cases sold everything to make the trip. They are screwed. Tristemente algo así se venía venir after absolutely record numbers in last 12-18 months.
And while Cubans who qualify for new 30,000/month parole program going forward will get quick path to residency thanks to CAA, this upends asylum processes as we know them & confirms Biden administration adopting much Trump policy (Title 42, "transit ban") as its own.
Going to quickly regret this, I'm sure, but re: US embargo and UN vote, let's try once more for the record.
(Since I was deemed a "pseudo-intellectual" in a prominent subtweet yesterday...)
🧵
Is unqualified condemnation of US sanctions on Cuba incompatible with equally sharp diagnoses of Cuba's internal challenges/faults/failures? Of course not.
But in practice, does it often prove to be? Yes, esp. in diplomatic discourse & much (not all) anti-embargo activism.
The same applies to anti-govt politics: Those denouncing Cuba's internal economic policies & political conditions often treat discussion of sanctions as simply "excuse," a distraction, or irrelevant—that is, when not defending them outright.