In 1825, a rich Welsh industrialist bought an entire American town to prove that socialism could work.
He had the money, the buildings, the theory, and hundreds of eager followers waiting to move in.
Two years later, it was over. 🧵
Robert Owen paid around $150,000 for the town of Harmonie, Indiana. He got 20,000 acres, more than 160 buildings, working mills, and farms already producing food.
He renamed it New Harmony. Close to a thousand people arrived in the first year.
Owen already ran successful textile mills in New Lanark, Scotland, where he was famous for treating workers well and running a profitable business at the same time.
He believed that if you removed private property and paid everyone equally, cooperation would naturally replace competition.
In January 1826, William Maclure sailed a riverboat full of scientists, teachers, and geologists down the Ohio River to New Harmony. Historians call it the "Boatload of Knowledge."
Thomas Say, the father of American entomology, was on it. So was Charles-Alexandre Lesueur, one of the most respected naturalists of the era.
This was the most educated, best-funded, best-equipped socialist community ever attempted on American soil.
If cooperation could beat markets anywhere, it should have worked here.
It collapsed almost immediately.
The hardest workers were feeding, housing, and clothing neighbors who did nothing while receiving the same food, the same shelter, and the same rewards.
So they stopped working too. Why wouldn't they?
Production dropped and food ran short. Buildings decayed because no one owned them and no one was responsible for maintaining them. Endless meetings replaced actual work. Owen wrote seven different constitutions in two years trying to fix it. None of them worked.
American inventor Josiah Warren, one of the country's earliest libertarian thinkers, was there. He watched the community fail from the inside and later wrote about why.
His conclusion: "The difference of opinion, tastes and purposes increased just in proportion to the demand for conformity."
The more the community demanded unity, the more it fractured.
Warren identified the deeper problem almost a century before Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek made it famous in academic economics.
When everyone owns everything, no one owns anything. When labor earns the same reward regardless of effort, effort disappears. When prices vanish, no one knows what anything is worth.
Owen finally admitted defeat in 1827. In his farewell address, he blamed the settlers themselves, saying they were "unprepared to be members of the community of common property and equality."
Translation: the system would have worked if only people had been different.
Every socialist regime since has offered some version of that excuse.
His own son, Robert Dale Owen, put it plainly years later:
"All cooperative schemes which provide equal remuneration to the skilled and industrious and the ignorant and idle must work their own downfall."
He had lived through the collapse. He knew what killed it.
Every socialist experiment since New Harmony has ended the same way, and for the same reasons.
Prices communicate what things are worth. Ownership creates responsibility for maintaining them. When both are abolished, production collapses because no one can calculate what to make or repair.
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Almost every major revolution in modern history followed the same script: overthrow one power, install another.
France swapped the King for Robespierre, then for Napoleon.
Russia swapped the Czar for Lenin, then for Stalin.
Cuba swapped Batista for Castro.
Only one revolution broke the script. The American one, in 1776. 🧵
In every other case, the logic of power survives the change of regime. A new sovereign takes the throne.
Rights remain concessions, granted by whoever holds power, revocable when politically inconvenient.
What Thomas Jefferson wrote in the second paragraph of the Declaration of Independence does something else.
The sentence reads:
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
In 1960, newly independent African leaders had a choice: capitalism or socialism.
Almost all of them picked socialism.
A Ghanaian economist named George Ayittey spent forty years documenting what happened next.
His findings are in print, and almost nobody outside Africa wants to hear them. 🧵
The reasoning in 1960 looked airtight.
Colonialism had been run by Western capitalists. So capitalism was a tool of oppression. Socialism, its opposite, would be the path to liberation.
Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, Sékou Touré in Guinea, Mengistu Haile Mariam in Ethiopia, and Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe all reached the same conclusion through the same logic.
The logic was tidy. The results were catastrophic.
In Ghana, Nkrumah's government built 64 state enterprises before his overthrow in February 1966. Only three or four were profitable.
By 1970, the Ghanaian state was setting prices on nearly 6,000 items across more than 700 product groups.
Thomas Jefferson wrote "all men are created equal" while owning more than 600 human beings over his lifetime.
The contradiction is real. But the sentence he wrote kept working long after he stopped. Abolitionists used it. Lincoln used it. The civil rights movement used it.
Here is the whole, contradictory story of the man who wrote it. 🧵
America is not a nation in the ordinary sense. It is not built on a shared ethnicity or a common ancestry.
It is built on a claim about human nature: that every person has rights that exist before any government, and that government exists to protect those rights.
Jefferson wrote that claim, even though he failed to live by it.
He tried more than once to make the founding mean what it said.
His original 1776 draft of the Declaration of Independence blamed King George III for the slave trade and called it "cruel war against human nature itself." Delegates from South Carolina and Georgia struck the passage out.
That same year, his draft for Virginia's state constitution banned the importation of slaves. The convention rejected it.
In July 1985, over a billion people watched Live Aid.
Months earlier, Michael Jackson and Lionel Richie had written "We Are the World." All of it was a response to a famine in Ethiopia.
Almost nobody remembers who actually caused the famine. 🧵
What the world saw: on October 23, 1984, the BBC aired a report by correspondent Michael Buerk with footage filmed in the Korem refugee camp by Kenyan photographer Mohamed Amin.
Within weeks, 425 television stations had rebroadcast those images of starving children to roughly 470 million viewers worldwide.
The crisis was framed almost entirely as a natural disaster, the work of a catastrophic drought striking a poor country. Television footage showed cracked earth, dying livestock, and skeletal children.
The government in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, was barely named in Western coverage. Its policies were not named at all.
The Soviets claimed Marxism was the science of history.
An Austrian refugee debunked both with one word. 🧵
Born in Vienna in 1902, Karl Popper was arguably the most important philosopher of science of the twentieth century.
Trained in mathematics, physics, and psychology, by his early thirties he was already in conversation with the leading scientific minds of Europe, including Albert Einstein.
He spent his life trying to answer one question with the precision of a mathematician: how do we know what we know? That question turned out to be the most politically dangerous question of the twentieth century.
By the time Popper fled Austria, he had spent years watching two regimes claim that science was on their side.
Nazi Germany ran "racial biology" departments at major universities, while the Soviet Union built five-year plans on "scientific socialism." Both said the evidence proved them right, and both said anyone who disagreed was anti-science.
Popper had a problem with this. He knew what real science looked like from the inside, and what he was watching was something else wearing science as a costume.
Modern economics built elaborate mathematical models of how markets work.
Israel Kirzner spent six decades pointing out the same problem with every one of them: the agent that actually makes markets work does not appear in any of them. 🧵
In 1973, Kirzner published "Competition and Entrepreneurship" at the University of Chicago Press. He had earned his PhD at NYU in 1957 under Ludwig von Mises.
The book made a claim mainstream economists found uncomfortable.
Neoclassical theory models the economic agent as an optimizer. Given resources, given preferences, given prices, he maximizes.
Kirzner called this figure a "Robbinsian maximizer," after Lionel Robbins. The agent allocates known means to known ends. He calculates, but he does not discover anything.