Scotland's push to become a global centre for AI infrastructure is being built on planning foundations that predate it.
National Planning Framework 4 sets out no enforceable definition of a "green data centre."
No national energy strategy has been published since 2017, despite one being ready for Cabinet since May 2024.
Communities from Newarthill to Auchtertool report being told one story about jobs, renewables, and community benefit, while planning documents obtained under Freedom of Information show another.
This charter sets out what we are asking every candidate standing in the May 2027 council elections, and every sitting MSP and minister, to commit to before residents vote in what may even become a snap general election (Bookies say 28% chance)
It is not a call to reject data centre investment outright.
It is a call for decisions to be made on an honest, evidenced, and accountable basis which is not what is happening now.
Every demand below is accompanied by the evidence it is based on.
This is a working draft, open to refinement by campaign partners before wider circulation.
The Demands
Demand 1:
Publish an enforceable definition of a "green data centre."
NPF4 designates green data centres as a national development, but leaves planning authorities to interpret what "green" means case by case, with no binding criteria on renewable power sourcing, water consumption, or heat re-use.
We ask the Scottish Government to publish a fixed, enforceable definition before any further national development consent is granted.
Evidence:
Scottish Parliament written answer S6W-41362 confirms no fixed criteria exist; planning authorities are left to "consider criteria" on a discretionary, case-by-case basis.
Demand 2:
Call a temporary moratorium on new data centre planning consent until that definition exists.
Decisions are being made now, without the guidance that is meant to inform them.
We ask for a pause on granting further consent until the green data centre definition above is published and in force.
Evidence:
First Minister Swinney has stated he is "giving active consideration" to national planning guidance, without committing to a pause. APRS and the Environmental Rights Centre for Scotland have jointly called for exactly this moratorium. This is being considered in parliament.
But when?
Demand 3:
Publish the Energy Strategy and Just Transition Plan without further delay.
Scotland has had no published national energy strategy since 2017.
The current strategy was drafted in January 2023, promised for "Summer 2024," and confirmed ready for Cabinet in May 2024 then deferred for a UK General Election purdah that ended in July 2024.
It remains unpublished two years on.
Evidence:
JP Marks's letter to First Minister Swinney, 28 May 2024, names the Energy Strategy and Just Transition Plan among documents deferred for purdah.
Gillian Martin's written answer S6W-44231, 25 March 2026, confirms it remains unpublished, citing ongoing UK energy policy developments.
Demand 4:
Require cumulative impact assessment across all data centre applications in a region, not each in isolation.
No systematic framework requires planning authorities to assess the combined water, grid, and land impact of multiple data centre developments in the same area. Each is currently assessed alone.
Evidence:
Objectors to the Larbert hyperscale application have formally raised this gap, submitting that the applicant has failed to demonstrate how "cumulative national impacts of data centre expansion have been assessed" under NPF4.
Demand 5:
Make community benefit funding legally binding and funded up front, not contingent on future developer revenue.
Community benefit promises are being announced before they are funded.
We ask that all Section 75 planning obligations tie community funds to construction milestones, secured at the point permission is granted, not to a developer's future revenue projections.
Evidence: DataVita's announced £543m community fund for the Lanarkshire AI growth zone does not currently exist and is contingent on future DataVita revenue (Guardian investigation, 6 July 2026).
Demand 6: End the use of Masterplan Consent Areas to pre-agree consent for data centres without full public application.
Masterplan Consent Areas, introduced under the Planning (Scotland) Act 2019, allow a planning authority to pre-agree consent terms for a whole area in advance.
Once an MCA scheme is adopted, development in line with it can proceed without a full individual planning application.
We ask that green data centres be explicitly excluded from MCA eligibility, so that every application receives full public scrutiny.
Evidence: Scottish Government's own development management guidance (gov.scot) names green data centres among the development types MCAs are being extended to support, alongside national developments and Green Freeports.
Demand 7:
End confidential pre-application engagement between developers and planning authorities on data centre proposals.
Residents in Newarthill were door-knocked with informal, unenforceable offers months before any public announcement, while formal pre-application advice given to developers is treated as confidential by default.
We ask that pre-application engagement on major energy and digital infrastructure proposals be published as a matter of course, not withheld unless a specific, published justification is given.
Evidence:
North Lanarkshire Council's own published pre-application advice guidance for major developments states the service "is confidential, and no information will appear on the public planning portal."
Demand 8:
Justify jobs and investment figures with site-specific evidence, not figures imported from other developments.
Headline jobs figures used to sell major developments to the public should be traceable to the actual site in question, not scaled estimates borrowed from unrelated projects.
Evidence:
APRS's FOI request found the government's 3,400-jobs figure for the Lanarkshire AI growth zone was extrapolated from industry estimates for a different site, Cambois in Northumberland, and then scaled up. APRS's own assessment is that the real figure could be up to a hundred times smaller.
Demand 9:
Introduce a Third Party Right of Appeal for communities on major developments.
A developer refused planning permission can appeal that decision.
A community whose objections are overruled cannot.
This structural asymmetry means the planning system is designed to favour the applicant by default.
We ask for an amendment to the Town and Country Planning (Scotland) Act, via Member's Bill or Government Bill, to restore basic symmetry between developers and the communities affected by their proposals.
Evidence:
Scotland currently has no Third Party Right of Appeal. This is a devolved matter requiring no Westminster involvement.
Demand 10: Require mandatory disclosure of beneficial ownership and intended end-user for all developments over 50MW.
Communities are being asked to approve major infrastructure whose true owners and operators are not disclosed at the point of application.
Planning law currently does not require this information, allowing ownership to sit behind shell companies, special purpose vehicles, and offshore investment structures.
We ask for disclosure to be made a mandatory condition of consent for developments above this threshold.
Demand 11:
Require mandatory Environmental Impact Assessment (Schedule 1 status) for all computing facilities over 10MW.
Data centres above this scale currently have no guaranteed requirement for full Environmental Impact Assessment, despite their water, energy, and grid demands.
We ask for Schedule 1 status to be applied as standard, closing this gap.
Evidence:
Achievable via statutory instrument amending the 2017 EIA Regulations.
No primary legislation required; fully within existing devolved competence.
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Scotland's push to become a global centre for AI infrastructure is being built on planning foundations that predate it.
National Planning Framework 4 sets out no enforceable definition of a “green data centre.”
No national energy strategy has been published since 2017, despite one being ready for Cabinet since May 2024.
Communities from Newarthill to Auchtertool report being told one story about jobs, renewables, and community benefit, while planning documents obtained under Freedom of Information show another.
Communities & voters generally are asking what we every candidate standing in the May 2027 council elections, and every sitting MSP and minister, to commit to make good the gaps in Energy Strategy.
It is not a call to reject data centre investment outright. It is a call for decisions to be made on an honest, evidenced, and accountable basis which is not what is happening now.
Publish an enforceable definition of a “green data centre.”
NPF4 designates green data centres as a national development, but leaves planning authorities to interpret what “green” means case by case, with no binding criteria on renewable power sourcing, water consumption, or heat re-use.
We ask the Scottish Government to publish a fixed, enforceable definition before any further national development consent is granted.
Evidence: Scottish Parliament written answer S6W-41362 confirms no fixed criteria exist; planning authorities are left to “consider criteria” on a discretionary, case-by-case basis.
Call a temporary moratorium on new data centre planning consent until that definition exists.
Decisions are being made now, without the guidance that is meant to inform them.
We ask for a pause on granting further consent until the green data centre definition above is published and in force.
Evidence: First Minister Swinney has stated he is “giving active consideration” to national planning guidance, without committing to a pause.
APRS and the Environmental Rights Centre for Scotland have jointly called for exactly this moratorium.
🧵 Why is Scotland suddenly facing 24+ hyperscale data centre proposals at once?
UK trade press just spelled out the actual reason and it isn’t Scotland’s tech ecosystem.
1/
LONDON IS FULL
More than 80% of the UK’s total data centre capacity already sits in and around London.
West London is now reaching saturation point on land and grid capacity, and Slough alone reportedly hosts up to 35 data centres.
2/
THE GOVERNMENT’S OWN ANSWER: SEND IT NORTH
DSIT’s own AI Growth Zones policy document says Scotland’s wind power “often exceeds transmission capacity” meaning, in the UK government’s own framing, locating data centres in Scotland lets operators tap that surplus generation and lower the cost of the UK’s overall electricity system.
That’s not a Scottish economic development plan.
That’s a release valve for England’s grid constraints, written into UK government policy.
3/
The irrefutable argument
@Ross_Greer @ArianeBurgessHI @markruskell @DavidHTorrance
Scotland has a live, accelerating pipeline of 24 hyperscale data centre proposals requiring up to 6,000MW more than 1.5 times the country’s entire peak electricity demand being assessed against a planning framework that predates the technology it is meant to regulate, with no binding definition of the term the government uses to justify approval, no mandatory environmental assessment for most sites, no community right of appeal, no water standard, and no published account of what any of this will cost in grid capacity, household bills, or climate impact.
The government has been asked, formally and in writing, to pause.
It has a direct, recent precedent for doing exactly that. It has declined not because it disputes the facts, but because it has chosen not to act on them.
That is not a position.
It is an absence of one.
1. THE SCALE IS NOT MARGINAL IT IS DESTABILISING
24 proposals. Up to 6,000MW. Scotland’s current peak demand: approximately 4,000MW.
This was placed on the official parliamentary record by Ross Greer MSP on 18 June 2026 and was not disputed by the First Minister.
This is not a planning question about individual sites. It is a question about whether Scotland’s electricity system can absorb a demand increase larger than the system itself, decided one application at a time, with no body responsible for assessing the total.
2. THE GOVERNMENT’S OWN DEFINITION IS CIRCULAR
At FMQs on 18 June 2026, the First Minister defined a “green data centre” as one that “has been approved with due account taken of the environmental implications.”
A green data centre is one that has been approved as a green data centre. There is no threshold, no metric, no standard capable of being failed.
This is not a definition. It is the absence of one, dressed in the language of one!
3. THE EVIDENCE ALREADY EXISTS AND IT IS ALARMING
This is not a hypothetical risk. The developer’s own Environmental Impact Assessment for the Larbert data centre required because Larbert, unlike most sites, needed one found that routine generator testing alone would produce 288 tonnes of nitrogen dioxide and nitrous oxide annually, and that nearby homes, a hospital, and a nursery could be exposed to nitrogen dioxide levels of up to 8,800 micrograms per cubic metre 44 times the safe hourly limit.
This would rank a single “green” data centre among Scotland’s top 10 industrial polluters, ahead of Mossmorran and Peterhead.
This is not campaigners’ projection. It is the developer’s own modelling, submitted as part of a planning application, because the law required it.
4. THAT EVIDENCE IS THE EXCEPTION, NOT THE RULE
Six of the 24 current pipeline proposals have undergone no Environmental Impact Assessment at all confirmed by Ross Greer on the parliamentary record, unchallenged by the First Minister.
Auchtertool, at 600MW twice the size of Larbert requires no EIA.
If Larbert’s own documents reveal a potential top-10 polluter, the honest position is that nobody knows what the other six undisclosed sites would reveal, because nobody has been required to ask.
That is not an acceptable basis on which to grant irreversible planning consent.
5. THE PEOPLE WHO BUILT THIS FRAMEWORK HAVE ALREADY BEEN TOLD IT IS INADEQUATE
In December 2025, Action to Protect Rural Scotland and the Environmental Rights Centre for Scotland formally requested a moratorium and a binding green definition.
Ministers responded in writing, acknowledging the concerns raised while declining every substantive request, redirecting instead to a Strategic Spatial Energy Plan with no confirmed delivery date.
Edinburgh City Council’s own planning officers not campaigners, the council’s own professional advisers confirmed it is “not possible to prohibit the submission of valid data centre applications which are supported by NPF4.”
On 17 June 2026, Edinburgh’s councillors voted against their own officials’ recommendation and called on the Scottish Government for a nationwide moratorium.
When a council’s own administration concludes the existing framework cannot function as intended, that is not political noise.
It is the system reporting its own failure.
6. THE PRECEDENT FOR ACTING ALREADY EXISTS AND WAS USED RECENTLY
In October 2017, facing a wave of speculative fracking applications, a 60,000-response public consultation in which 99% opposed the development, and sustained cross-party parliamentary pressure, Energy Minister Paul Wheelhouse told Parliament:
“Fracking cannot and will not take place in Scotland.”
No new primary legislation.
A ministerial decision, using existing planning powers, in direct response to evidence of public harm and public opposition.
The Scottish Government has already demonstrated it knows how to do this. It is not asking a question without an established answer.
It already wrote the answer once, for a different industry, under the same legal framework.
7. THE POWER TO ACT REQUIRES NO PARLIAMENTARY VOTE
At FMQs, the First Minister said that “if the Parliament wishes there to be a fundamental change… it will have to have an open discussion about whether such powers should be exercised nationally.”
This is not legally accurate as a constraint. Scottish Ministers can publish supplementary planning guidance, issue a Planning Circular, or update NPF4 directly under the Town and Country Planning (Scotland) Act 1997, without a parliamentary vote. NPF4 itself was made this way. It can be amended this way.
The claim that a moratorium requires Parliament’s permission is not a legal fact. It is a political choice, presented as a constraint.
8. THE DEMOCRATIC ASYMMETRY IS STRUCTURAL, NOT INCIDENTAL
Communities can object to a data centre application.
They cannot appeal a grant of consent.
Developers can appeal a refusal.
This asymmetry is the subject of a live United Nations Aarhus Convention complaint against the UK, filed in 2022, ruled admissible, with the UK’s attempt to have it dismissed having failed.
A planning system in which only one party the applicant has a meaningful right of challenge is not a system capable of producing decisions communities can trust, regardless of how individual applications are determined.
9. THE WINDOW TO ACT IS CLOSING, NOT OPENING
Parliament enters summer recess on 27 June 2026. The Auchtertool/Cato consultation closes 2 July during recess.
Multiple applications, including Larbert, are expected to reach determination before Parliament returns on 30 August. Decisions of irreversible, multi-decade consequence will be made while the institution responsible for scrutinising them is not sitting.
A moratorium delayed past 27 June is not a moratorium postponed.
For the applications currently in train, it is a moratorium that arrives too late to matter.
Scotland’s energy being used for England’s data centres .
The Westminster Labour picture is now very clear.
The key Labour figures driving this into Scotland
Keir Starmer Prime Minister. Personally endorsed the North Lanarkshire AI Growth Zone, stating “now is the time to put our foot on the accelerator” and framing it as creating “good, well-paid jobs” for working people.
Peter Kyle Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology July 2024 to September 2025. Personally announced Scotland as a key part of the UK’s AI opportunities plan, invoking the industrial revolution framing: “AI is this generation’s next great industrial leap.” He then moved to Secretary of State for Business and Trade in September 2025, succeeded at DSIT by Liz Kendall.
Liz Kendall Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology from September 2025, previously Secretary of State for Work and Pensions. She personally travelled to Lanarkshire to announce the AI Growth Zone, declaring Scotland is “leading the technological revolution” and “I’m very, very proud Scotland is going to lead the world here.”
Rachel Reeves Chancellor. Named alongside Liz Kendall and Kirsty McNeill MP in the official government announcement of the Lanarkshire AI Growth Zone. This means the Treasury has direct ownership of the designation.
Ian Murray Scottish Secretary. Called the announcement “a landmark moment” that will place Scotland at the forefront of the UK’s technological revolution, also referencing a separate £750 million supercomputer investment in Edinburgh.
Kirsty McNeill Scottish Labour MP, named in the official designation announcement.
Ed Miliband Energy Secretary. Data centres were designated Critical National Infrastructure in September 2024 a decision made on his watch.
By February 2026 he was telling MPs that the climate impact of data centres “remains inherently uncertain” a significant retreat from the promotional stance, triggered by parliamentary pressure. He has since been forced to respond to MPs who noted data centres were omitted from the Seventh Carbon Budget projections.
The civil servant who owns DSIT: Kamran Nazeer (pen name for Emran Mian CB OBE) Permanent Secretary of the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology since July 2025. Born in Glasgow. Previously served under both Peter Kyle and Liz Kendall.
The structural picture
The AI Growth Zone scheme was set up by Peter Kyle in January 2025.
Scotland’s designation came under Liz Kendall in January 2026 with Starmer, Reeves, Murray and McNeill all named. The CNI designation that removed the planning brake came from Miliband’s department in September 2024.
This is not a Scottish Government initiative it is a Westminster Labour industrial strategy being applied to Scotland, with Scottish Labour figures providing the local political cover.
The AI Growth Zone designation, the CNI designation, and the AI Opportunities Action Plan are all Westminster decisions cascading into Scottish planning without the Scottish Government having meaningful power to resist them, regardless of what Holyrood’s own policy says.
It’s a Westminster accountability question as much as a Holyrood one
2/ 🏗️ THE LAND FLIPPERS (1): ILI GROUP
ILI Group (SC564296) is run by one man; Mark Wilson, an accountant from Hamilton. He doesn't build data centres. He secures land, gets grid connections, gets planning permission, then sells the package to an anonymous buyer.
The proposed Cato facility near Auchtertool, Fife: 600MW. The village has 215 homes. The world's largest data centre in Nevada is 650MW.
No end user has been named. The community has no idea who will own this.
3/ 🏗️ THE LAND FLIPPERS (2): APATURA
Apatura Ltd (13948114) has 9 sites across Scotland totalling 2,600MW 65% of Scotland's entire winter peak demand from one developer.
Its primary investor is Klint Ventures a Liechtenstein-registered vehicle backed by Monaco-region, Nordic and Arabic investors.
Their own investor pitch (Swedish Business Council, May 2025) states explicitly: sell 500MW of Scotland data centre capacity, generate £300 million profit.
Scotland's communities are being asked to host infrastructure whose purpose is to generate £300m for Monaco investors.