Timothy Grose Profile picture
Associate Prof of #China Studies, Rose-Hulman Institute of Technology (Tweets about #Xinjiang, Islam in China, my twins, and Wed Tibetan song translations #བོད)

Apr 5, 2021, 10 tweets

Let’s continue. To be honest, I’m not sure if this is a take on banknotes/nods to indigenous groups or language policy, but I’m going to treat it as an uninformed attempt to create a mirage hiding current language policy. Fact: Uyghur will, at best, become a “kitchen language”

The Party’s goal has been clear: all schools in Xinjiang are expected to adopt “mode 3” delivery—i.e., Chinese as the language of instruction (and using native languages only if necessary). (from Zuliyati Simayi, yes, this Zuliyatyi)

Some locales failed to meet the 2016 deadline, but are still expected to institute these changes, so they’ve dramatically increased the number of classroom hours spent on Chinese.

Figures on “bilingual” education do not include the >20,000/year neichuban (grades 7-9) and ~ 40,000 neigaoban (预科 + grades 10-12) students, most of whom are Uyghur (second largest Kazakh) where everything is taught in Chinese

I've conducted several years of research on the Neigaoban, the findings are published here: hkupress.hku.hk/pro/1747.php

Institutes of higher learning in Xinjiang have been using Chinese as the language of classroom instruction since 2004 (when I taught at XJNU Uyghur professors complained that had to teach in Chinese even when all their students were Uyghur)

State-run Uyghur language TV uses its programming to encourage Uyghurs to speak in Chinese.

Cadres organize mandatory night classes to teach Chinese in Uyghur villages, many of the participants are well beyond retirement age (i.e. not teaching them to be competitive in the job market)

Meanwhile, “fanghuiju” teams use their “visits” to teach Uyghur children Chinese in their homes.

If this trend continues, Uyghur (and Kazakh) will—at best—be permanently relegated to a “kitchen language” (see Atwood on Mongolian language policies) despite the Law of Regional Ethnic Autonomy’s promise to allow these groups to use and develop their native languages.

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