Gerardo L. Munck Profile picture
Professor, political scientist, Latin Americanist, at USC. Tweets in English and Spanish.

Dec 15, 2023, 10 tweets

๐—›๐—ผ๐˜„ ๐˜„๐—ฒ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜† affects how we discuss democracy. And a common and problematic tendency is to include all sorts of things we think are good in our definition of democracy.

๐Ÿงตon how to avoid the problem of maximalist definitions of democracy.

๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—บ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฆ๐—ผ๐—น๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€. Democracy is connected to the economy, the culture and the state. Yet if we overload the concept of democracy, we obscure those relationships.

Here are three ways to think about the meaning of democracy that avoid this problem.

๐—œ. ๐——๐—ฎ๐—ต๐—น first argues that democracy is justified by the idea of intrinsic equality. And then he presents a discussion that distinguishes among elements that are โ€œintegral,โ€ โ€œexternal but necessary,โ€ and โ€œexternal but not necessaryโ€ to the democratic process.๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—œ. ๐——๐—ฎ๐—ต๐—น then offers a definition of democracy (or polyarchy) in terms of โ€œseven institutionsโ€ that reflect his view of things that are โ€œintegral to the democratic processโ€:๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—œ๐—œ. ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐˜‡๐—ฒ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ธ๐—ถ makes a distinction between ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ท๐˜ฆ & ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ง๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ญ ๐˜ง๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด of democracy and ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฑ๐˜ช๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ญ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด needed for democracy to function.๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—œ๐—œ. ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐˜‡๐—ฒ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ธ๐—ถ then goes on to propose his well-known minimalist definition of democracy and to clarify how he will analyze a set of features commonly included in maximalist definitions of democracy.๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—œ๐—œ๐—œ. ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐˜ƒ๐˜€ ๐—–๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€. To these distinctions, I would add the one between constitutive and causal relations.๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—œ๐—œ๐—œ. ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐˜ƒ๐˜€ ๐—–๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€. The general idea is to define democracy in terms of conceptual attributes linked through constitutive relations and to treat causal relations involving democracy as a different sort of question.๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—•๐—ผ๐˜๐˜๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—Ÿ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ ๐—œ. Many scholars argue that democracy is more than a political regime (or a form of government) and that aspects of the state and society are part of democracy. Further, this way of thinking is pervasive among constructors of democracy indices.๐Ÿ‘‡

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—•๐—ผ๐˜๐˜๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—Ÿ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ ๐—œ๐—œ. But overloading the concept of democracy is problematic โ€“ it gets in the way of clear thinking about a range of problems related to democracy. And there are ways to theorize about democracy that avoid the conflation of distinct issues.

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