The study of Islamic apocalypticism is, really, truly, in its infancy. One quite commonly runs across glib references to ‘apocalyptic fantasies’ to justify tenuous readings by scholars of Islam, as if there is no inherent logic to apocalyptic texts, beliefs, and tendencies. In Image
other words, for most scholars of Islam, who are generally unfamiliar with the theoretical work on the subject by scholars of the Judaeo-Christian tradition, ‘apocalypticism’ is some kind of deus ex machina to ‘make sense’ of seemingly unintelligible texts. A particularly
noteworthy example of this is how Wilferd Madelung appealed to ‘apocalypticism’ to justify his impossible reading of the famous ‘hadith of the Mahdī’—this reading was later shown to be problematic by Michael Cook, and I then proposed an alternative, self-consistent
reinterpretation of it that gives meaning to the whole text (see here: academia.edu/8210987/ʿAbd_Allāh_ibn_al-Zubayr_and_the_Mahdī_Between_Propaganda_and_Historical_Memory_in_the_Second_Civil_War_Bulletin_of_the_School_of_Oriental_and_African_Studies_80_2017_pp._1-19_).
Another example of this came up recently; this one isn’t a vague appeal to ‘apocalypticism’ to advance a tenuous reading, but it shows how lack of theoretical knowledge on apocalypticism could lead to widely, and wildly, off-the-mark theories being proposed. The example in
question is a particular understanding of the famous opening verses of the Q 30 al-rūm 1-7 proposed by Stephen Shoemaker and Tommaso Tesei. My observations will be based, mostly, on Tesei’s new article (here: degruyter.com/view/j/islam.2…). Tesei proposes that Q 30:1-7 is an
echo of Byzantine apocalypses of the period. I can’t really see an ‘intertextuality’ between the quranic passage and the Byzantine apocalypses he adduces, but, for the sake of argument, let’s assume there is one. These Byzantine texts are apocalypses in the proper sense of the
term, meaning they contain a narration of events that have already taken place together with some prophecies of what will come next, but ALL of these are narrated in the future tense. This is what this kind of apocalypse is about: narrating the past in the future tense, as if it
were a prophecy; earning the reader’s confidence; and then topping it with an actual prophecy, which the reader would easily believe now. The quranic passage, however, is different: the verbs in the first half use the past tense, and the verbs in the second half of the passage
the non-past (muḍāriʿ—which could describe the future in Arabic as well). Having worked with literally hundreds of this kind of apocalypses/prophecies from ancient Mesopotamia to mediaeval times, I can’t think of a single one that is only PARTLY in the future tense; in other
words, the passage’s formal features don’t resemble an apocalypse’s. Tesei exacerbates his interpretation by saying that this ‘prophecy’ was later inserted into the Quran to provide its ‘author’ with prophetic powers. So what was it, an echo of Byzantine apocalypses, and hence
reflecting the apocalyptic anxiety of the ‘author’ of the Quran, or an attempt to provide the ‘author’ with prophetic powers? It certainly can’t be both. Besides, echoing Byzantine apocalypses means you share their eschatological anxieties and are expecting a quick end to the
world immediately after Byzantine victory, but the world didn’t end after their victory and so there was no point in reprising those prophecies anymore. Not quite clear in the article. The article is actually very confused and makes a number of conflicting and self-defeating
arguments, along with dozens of errors, especially with regard to Muslim sources, but here I’ve only presented my case against the apocalyptic reading of the text. In sum, while an emphasis on the imminence of the end is certainly present in the text, it clearly isn’t
an apocalypse. Take-home lesson: reference to the end of the world≠apocalypse (i.e., not necessarily). What is more, and more important, apocalypticism shouldn't be used as a buzzword to advance impossible scenarios.

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More from @MayShaddel

6 Sep
I'm supposed to be on holiday, but somehow ended up in a vault full of books in the Austrian Academy of Sciences (long story!), where I ran across a copy of Mark Sykes's (of Sykes-Picot fame) memoirs of travels in Asia Minor, prefaced by then-Thomas A. Adams Professor of Arabic
at Cambridge, Edward Browne. Two things attracted my attention, the first the manner in which Sykes expresses gratitude to Browne in the acknowledgements: 'for his inspiring instruction in Eastern custom and mode of thought'. The second the condescending manner in which Browne
refers to Turks (forget about his distaste for Levantines): 'hardly any one... has remained altogether unfriendly to a people who, whatever their shortcomings may be, command the respect and esteem of even those who least desire the continuance of the Ottoman regime'.
Read 6 tweets
14 Feb
Did Muhammad really die after the onset of the Muslim conquest of the Near East? Part 2. After posting Part 1 of this series of threads, I began to doubt whether this is the appropriate medium for such a discussion given the depth, complexity, and number of the issues involved.
I have, for the time being, decided to go ahead with discussing the sources one by one, over the course of the coming weeks and months, so stay tuned. In response to the previous thread, @ProfessorGeorgy asked me if there was a political side to the depiction of Muhammad as
leading the conquests. The text I’m going to discuss today is one such case. It is known as the ‘Letter of pseudo-ʿUmar II to Leo III’, a fragmentary mediaeval Arabic composition which scholars have held to be a piece of Islamic anti-Christian apologetic. @ceci_pal_,
Read 13 tweets
14 Feb
Did Muhammad really die after the onset of the Muslim conquest of the Near East? This four-decade-old question in the study of early Islamic history has found new urgency after the publication of a new monograph dedicated to this topic. Since posting the announcement for my talk
next month on the subject I’m being asked if the lecture will be recorded (the answer to which is no, unfortunately we can’t afford such luxuries). I’ve written a rather detailed paper on this subject which is currently under review. But for those interested, I want to do a
thread summarising my observations on some of the evidence. Firstly, I have to say that it’s impossible to give a short answer to this question. The only short answer I would give is ‘yes and no’. No, partly because of the reasons that I’m going to spell out presently, and yes,
Read 22 tweets
29 Jul 19
Were the Byzantines and the Ghassanids behind Muhammad's hijra to Medina? A thread

A few years ago Michael Lecker published an article in which he argued that Muhammad's immigration to Medina in 622 was facilitated, or even prompted, by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius, or at
least his Ghassanid allies, in order to destabilise the Jews of Medina—as Jews, mostly in the region of Palestine, supported the Sasanians. The title of the article was so intriguing, but after actually reading the piece it struck me as very problematic in so many ways; in some
sense it could even be said to be peddling conspiracy theory on a McCarthyite level. In the few years since its publication, it seems to have gained little traction with scholars of early Islam, but now the argument has been recycled by Glen Bowersock, who has made a more
Read 17 tweets

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