I'll say at the start that I'm not going to pick apart the entire piece, mostly because I have real work to do, but also because the last time I fact-checked his claims at length, the sum total of his response was to call me a "pasty-faced white leftist"
I'm sure other historians -- or, really, any adult with basic reading skills -- will address D'Souza's claim that Abraham Lincoln, the big-government liberal whose re-election was celebrated by Karl Marx, would have been some kind of Trump toady were he alive today.
That said, it's notable that his section on "Did the Parties Change Platforms?" never discusses the GOP platforms of the 1860s, but immediately switches to focus solely on Lincoln's "core philosophy."
Hmm, I wonder why he ignores what the GOP did then?
Anyway, I'll just focus quickly on "The Myth of the Southern Strategy."
D'Souza claims Nixon strategist Kevin Phillips never planned to pursue racist southerners.
And yet Phillips in a 1970 interview predicted "Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become Republicans."
But how could the GOP reach such voters without explicit racist appeals?
D'Souza asks, in a typical fake-naive question, could it be "code words" and "dog whistles"? Why that sounds ridiculous!
Isn't that right, former GOP strategist Lee Atwater?
Here D'Souza brings my own book White Flight into it.
Again, in fairness to actual leftists, I should note here that I'm not a leftist, but as we've seen fealty to the facts is not D'Souza's forte.
I'll just note quickly that I didn't "portray" white flight as racist. Instead, I directly quoted racists being racist.
Here's the opening anecdote from White Flight. They didn't flee "inner-city crime." They fled middle-class blacks buying homes in their neighborhoods.
And yes, white-flight suburbanites did "secede" from the city.
They vowed to "build up a city separate from Atlanta and your Negroes and forbid any Negroes to buy, or own, or live within our limits."
They fought metro programs (like rapid transit), linking them to integration.
Lastly, he says my depiction of these voters departs from Norman Mailer's account in Miami and the Siege of Chicago.
Wow, Norman Mailer found nothing objectionable there?
Oh wait, just a few pages before that passage, Mailer notes how that same "suburban America" was waiting for "Super Wallace."
The "atmosphere of the Republican convention" was so toxic on race he found his own previously liberal attitudes to blacks turning noticeably uglier.
Moving on -- yes, Nixon had a liberal record on civil rights, supporting everything from Brown to the CRA & VRA.
Which is why, as he worked to get the 1968 nomination, he relied on Strom Thurmond to convince segregationists that he was all right. From @CrespinoJoe's great bio:
In the same vein, the changes in the GOP platform over the 1960s are instructive.
When Nixon first ran in 1960, it had a huge section on civil rights. When he ran again in 1968, not a word.
Here's a list of senators who didn't change parties in the aftermath of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Most of these are big names with powerful positions in the Democratic Party, nicely illustrating why elected officials didn't switch.
Just a few quibbles.
Thomas Gore died in 1949 and Kerr Scott died in 1958; so … no, they didn't switch after 1964.
Herb Walters was a caretaker appointed for sixteen months -- not sure he's worth mentioning once, much less *twice*.
"Senator William Murray" wasn't a person.
Several of the big names left -- Johnston, Hill, Russell, Holland, and Robertson (Pat's dad!) -- never ran for re-election after 1964, choosing to enjoy the seniority they had as Democrats for one last term. They all retired and/or died between 1965 and 1971.
Let's turn to the governors he lists as Dixiecrats who hadn't changed parties by the late '60s.
William H. Murray (Oklahoma governor, not a senator) and Fielding Wright both died in 1956, while Frank Dixon died in 1965.
So, yes, they didn't switch. Because they were dead.
Meanwhile, here is a segregationist Dixiecrat governor -- Mills Godwin, who managed to live into and through the 1960s. Oh look, he did switch parties.
D'Souza: "I don’t have space to include the list of Dixiecrat congressmen and other officials. Suffice to say it is a long list. And from this entire list we count only two defections."
Well, the royal we should count again. Here's a list of thirty:
Lastly, D'Souza returns to the one scholarly source he repeatedly uses, Shafer and Johnston's End of Southern Exceptionalism.
As I've noted before, the book was savaged by southern historians when it came out.
Here's Alabama's Glenn Feldman in the Journal of Southern History:
It's not just that they didn't name-check big books in southern history. Without grappling with them, they made some *incredibly* flawed assumptions about the South.
For instance, as a starting point, they assume racism is connected to physical proximity between the races:
So, whites who fled Atlanta & said they'd build forts along the Chattahoochee to keep blacks out of Cobb or formed "No N-ggers in Gwinnett" were less racist, as there were so few blacks in these 95%-96% white counties.
Whites who stayed in integrated areas? *More* racist.
OK.
This then is D'Souza's ultimate conclusion: "As the South becomes less racist, it becomes more Republican."
This is, once again, contradicted by the actual history of the early wave of Southern Republicans, who were just as racist as older Dixiecrats:
I suppose, as the current Republican Party is experiencing a surge in candidates who are openly white supremacist, it might seem easier to try to rewrite the past than it is to reckon with the present.
This site has gotten steadily worse with every "improvement" Elon has made, but this weekend made it clear that it's no longer a place to get and discuss breaking news.
It's just a cesspool for the worst people on social media and it's getting worse every week.
I've been telling myself for months that the good here outweighs the bad, but I don't believe that anymore.
There's no better way to announce that you've read literally nothing on the party realignment over civil rights than to ask about congressional delegations.
That's not how realignment happened, and anyone pushing this "rebuttal" is either an idiot or a liar.
Again, as I've discussed many times before, the power of sitting congressmen depended entirely on their seniority in the Democratic Party, which held dominant majorities in Congress. That's why they're the lagging indicator in this process.
So let's look at a state, but all the politics of a state, not just the senior southern Democrats determined to hang on to their perks in Congress.
@CheesedHammer @ericjorgenson8 @flakingbaking @quiltsbypagan @Katb4animals @RickLaManna1 @RepJasonCrow I'm a historian who's worked on this for 25 years, so I could point you to a lot of my published work, starting with my chapter in MYTH AMERICA:
@CheesedHammer @ericjorgenson8 @flakingbaking @quiltsbypagan @Katb4animals @RickLaManna1 @RepJasonCrow But I'm happy to provide some primary sources as well.
Here's some news coverage of Prentiss Walker, the segregationist Republican whose first appearance after winning the election was to speak before Americans for Preservation of the White Race:
@CheesedHammer @ericjorgenson8 @flakingbaking @quiltsbypagan @Katb4animals @RickLaManna1 @RepJasonCrow As I've noted here before, Prentiss Walker was an outspoken opponent of civil rights, voted against the Voting Rights Act, and insisted civil rights activists were worse than the Klan:
The House GOP has been riling up its base by repeatedly insisting it has the goods to get Joe Biden.
This works fine in the short term, but repeatedly overpromising and underdelivering is only going to make the base mad at them, more than anyone else.
You can see this with today's tweets from the Oversight Committee.
It's framed as a huge hit on Biden but once you read it, it's clear the "Biden FAMILY AND ASSOCIATES" framing is a load-bearing beam.
It's a showy announcement meant to suggest much more than is actually there.
But the base doesn't get that -- they're riled up and they expect action.
Action that Republican politicians can't *actually* deliver because they (or at least their very patient legal counsel) understand there's really no there there.
Any discussion of Florida's effort to replace the original AP standards for African American history with the state's own version should directly compare and contrast the two.
One thing is readily apparent from even a quick comparison between the two standards -- the claims that Florida's standards are "robust" quickly fall apart when you line them up next to the much more substantial program the AP has put together with specific sources and plans.
A lot of attention has been given to the slavery section -- which in Florida is strongly focused on discussing abolitionism while the AP standards are much more direct on the lived experiences for the enslaved -- but for me the 20th century material is more of an issue.