Estimates of racial bias using police data are wrong if police discriminate in who they stop. New paper w/ @dean_c_knox, @conjugateprior: analysis in Fryer (forthcoming) likely masks hundreds of thousands of instances of discriminatory police violence. 1/n goo.gl/yfPM5r
The study of racial bias in policing is a causal inference problem, but prior work rarely makes causal estimands and attendant assumptions explicit, making analyses difficult to evaluate. We formalize the problem using principal stratification in a causal mediation framework.
People police observe but do not stop don’t appear in police data. If civilian race affects who police stop, estimates of racial discrimination in police behavior are biased absent implausible assumptions that have so far gone unstated in prior work.
Fryer (forthcoming) and Fryer (2018) acknowledge this threat to validity, but conclude, “It is unclear how to estimate the extent of such bias or how to address it statistically,” (Fryer 2018, 5). Our paper clarifies this issue.
After clarifying causal quantities of interest, we derive the statistical bias induced by the common analytical approach---i.e. using only police data & adjusting for omitted variables---and use the results to bound the true race effect.
We show that absent implausible assumptions, the common approach understates the share of police violence caused by civilian race, or masks it completely. More control variables *don't* help, and effects are not even identified *among incidents that appear in police data*.
Fryer (forthcoming) also found no racial bias in police shootings. We cannot replicate that analysis because the data are not yet posted, but we note that it suffers from the same design flaw and suspect it underestimates racial discrimination in fatal police encounters.
Some caveats...

CAVEAT 1: we do not show a mechanism for racial discrimination, officers' personal motives or psychology. We show evidence police would have applied force against minority civilians at lower rates had the civilians been white—important distinction.
CAVEAT 2: Our results rely on weaker assumptions than prior work, but they still rely on assumptions. Some may find them implausible. Our hope: by making assumptions explicit, we clarify this line of inquiry and help improve future work.
Prior work w/ similar approaches is likely uninformative or misleading. Only reliable way to avoid these issues: better research designs. To that end, we outline a feasible design to study racial bias in traffic stops. Key feature: data on those police observe, but do not stop.
Our proposed design will likely require collaboration with one or more police departments. Law enforcement agencies: if you would like to help produce credible research that can improve police performance, please contact us. n/n

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More from @jonmummolo

24 Aug
Post-treatment selection bias can distort studies of police violence. GCBCSH proposes new stat theory for causal identification, despite selection & confounding—a huge breakthrough, if credible. We formally assess it.1/n @dean_c_knox @conjugateprior Paper: dropbox.com/s/nx8pe8gmw41d…
Studies of racial bias in policing (e.g. Fryer 2019) often rely on detainment data (stops/arrests) to estimate discrimination in subsequent actions, e.g. use of force. If racial bias affects detainment, @sndurlauf & Heckman call this a "classic route to selection bias."
GCBSGH disagree. They say they clarify "the statistical foundations of discrimination analysis" & conclude that using their approach, "concerns about post-treatment bias may be misplaced." @jgaeb1 @iamwillcai @gbasse Ravi Schroff @5harad Jennifer Hill @comppolicylab
Read 19 tweets
24 Jun
Our paper shows traditional analyses understate racial bias in police violence. A newly posted critique claims those approaches work great (if we assume away the problem). Given the bad science going around on the topic: thread 5harad.com/papers/post-tr…
Our paper asks: given what we know about police-civilian interactions, how can we estimate racial bias using detainment records (stops/arrests) alone? We identify minimal assumptions, and show racial bias can be bounded using only data on stops. @dean_c_knox @conjugateprior
The challenge in this setting is that if officers are racially biased in stopping, then all records of police stops are "post-treatment," and incomplete police records make identifying the causal effect of civilian race on police behavior (e.g. use of force) much more difficult.
Read 20 tweets
28 Feb
New @The_JOP by @seanjwestwood @SolomonMg @ylelkes shows probabilistic election forecasts like @FiveThirtyEight confuse voters & decrease turnout, mostly among Dems. It’s thorough and innovative experimental behavioral research.

A fan thread. (1/n)
Unlike polls that show candidates' expected vote share, prob. election forecasts convey the estimated probability that a candidate will win. Problem: folks don’t understand probabilities. This paper demonstrates severity of this confusion, and its political consequences. (2/n)
What I love about this paper is how it attacks the problem from so many angles. Not only does it feature a series of careful and novel experiments, it uses a ton of observational data to provide context for the study, clarifying the implications of the experimental results. (3/n)
Read 17 tweets
21 Jan
@PNASNews published a study last year claiming no racial bias in police shootings. The study's central claim was mathematically unsupported. @dean_c_knox & I submitted critique to PNAS, which was rejected. We appealed. Today PNAS published our critique.1/n pnas.org/content/117/3/…
The original study by Johnson et al. claimed to find “White officers are not more likely to shoot minority civilians than non-White officers.” i.e., the fatal shooting rate of minorities by white officers is ≤ that of nonwhite officers. 2/n
In promoting their work, the authors went much further with their claims, stating “black officers were just as likely to shoot black citizens as white officers were” and “our findings show no support for the idea that white officers are biased in shooting black citizens” 3/n
Read 13 tweets
3 Dec 19
Collaborative experiments w/ gov. agencies are the gold standard in policy research, but are collaborating agencies representative? New working paper evaluates selection into research partnerships w/ police. Seeking feedback! 1/n @smgoerger @seanjwestwood papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
We sent ~3,000 local police chiefs/sheriffs in 48 states *sincere* invitations to discuss a potential collaboration (no deception). Two goals. 1) Assess the correlates of willingness to collaborate. 2) Assess the role of agency reputation in collaboration decisions. 2/n
First, are collaborating agencies representative of agencies at large? To find out, we merged responses w/ local data on crime, partisanship, demographics, police use of force and more. But agencies receptive to our offer looked pretty much the same as agencies that declined. 3/n
Read 10 tweets
1 Oct 19
Brett Stephens is crediting "Broken Windows" policing strategies like "Stop, Question and Frisk" (SQF) for the nationwide crime drop that began in the 1990s. Let's take a look at the evidence. 1/n
It is true that Broken Windows expanded in the mid 90s in NYC and crime also fell in that period. But crime also fell in cities across the country that did not embrace Broken Windows. 2/n
This is a classic case of confusing correlation with causation. You know what else closely tracks murder rates over time? Ice cream sales. Both tend to happen more often when it's hot outside. That doesn't mean banning ice cream will make cities safer. 3/n
Read 9 tweets

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