If @NRO is going to let Kevin Williamson spread this nonsense in its pages and keep @DineshDSouza on its masthead as he does the same on Twitter, then the least it can do is let them have access to the magazine's own archives.
In an infamous editorial titled "Why the South Must Prevail" (8/25/57), National Review made it clear that its brand of conservatism was very squarely on the side of southern segregationists.
As the violence of "massive resistance" rocked the South, National Review didn't blame the white South for trying to "prevail" but instead repeatedly blamed the Supreme Court for stirring up trouble.
Left, during Little Rock (9/21/57). Right, after terrorist bombings (10/25/58)
Meanwhile, National Review treated Martin Luther King Jr. with a tone of sneering condescension.
This piece (3/14/59) misidentifies MLK as an NAACP leader, mocks his prediction the US would be fully integrated by the year 2000 (!) and then dogwhistles about interracial sex.
This piece (8/20/63), published right before the March on Washington, attacks King as well as March organizer Bayard Rustin and King aide Jack O'Dell, for their various ties to left-wing organizations.
I could go on like this, but you get the point.
To be clear, National Review's squarely aligned its brand of conservatism with segregationists and opposed civil rights activists.
Williamson and D'Souza claim this was impossible, but it was obvious to anyone reading NR then.
Here -- note praise for Eastland. (NR, 4/7/64)
National Review praised conservatives in *both* parties for opposing the civil rights movement & criticized liberals in *both* parties for backing it.
Here -- Sens. Javits & Keating were liberal Republicans; Sen. Humphrey a liberal Democrat who became LBJ's VP. (NR, 3/31/64).
So, yes, segregation and conservatism got along just fine, @DineshDSouza, according to National Review at the time.
And, despite what Kevin Williamson is claiming in the current @NRO, the party realignment of the era was *also* something National Review saw at the time.
James J. Kilpatrick, a Virginian who was an architect of massive resistance and a conservative columnist, noted here how his fellow conservative Southern Democrats were at a political crossroads and, at that point, basically Democrats in name only. (National Review, 11/19/63)
After conservative Democrat Strom Thurmond switched to the GOP in the fall of 1964, National Review ran a piece (published elsewhere under Buckley's own byline) suggesting that other "conservative-minded Democrats" might be convinced to follow suit. (National Review, 9/29/64)
All right, that's probably enough.
If I add any more evidence from National Review's own archives, @DineshDSouza will just complain again that there's too much reading.
As you can see, in the late '50s & early '60s, National Review argued that conservatism and segregation not only *could* co-exist, but *had* to co-exist.
And to that end, it hoped to bring southern segregationists into the GOP.
Someone should tell the people working there now!
But please break it to Williamson and D'Souza gently.
They keep insisting that Democrats today have to answer for the segregationist past of the party and by that ... sure, let's call it "logic" ... people at National Review today have to answer for all of this.
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This site has gotten steadily worse with every "improvement" Elon has made, but this weekend made it clear that it's no longer a place to get and discuss breaking news.
It's just a cesspool for the worst people on social media and it's getting worse every week.
I've been telling myself for months that the good here outweighs the bad, but I don't believe that anymore.
There's no better way to announce that you've read literally nothing on the party realignment over civil rights than to ask about congressional delegations.
That's not how realignment happened, and anyone pushing this "rebuttal" is either an idiot or a liar.
Again, as I've discussed many times before, the power of sitting congressmen depended entirely on their seniority in the Democratic Party, which held dominant majorities in Congress. That's why they're the lagging indicator in this process.
So let's look at a state, but all the politics of a state, not just the senior southern Democrats determined to hang on to their perks in Congress.
@CheesedHammer @ericjorgenson8 @flakingbaking @quiltsbypagan @Katb4animals @RickLaManna1 @RepJasonCrow I'm a historian who's worked on this for 25 years, so I could point you to a lot of my published work, starting with my chapter in MYTH AMERICA:
@CheesedHammer @ericjorgenson8 @flakingbaking @quiltsbypagan @Katb4animals @RickLaManna1 @RepJasonCrow But I'm happy to provide some primary sources as well.
Here's some news coverage of Prentiss Walker, the segregationist Republican whose first appearance after winning the election was to speak before Americans for Preservation of the White Race:
@CheesedHammer @ericjorgenson8 @flakingbaking @quiltsbypagan @Katb4animals @RickLaManna1 @RepJasonCrow As I've noted here before, Prentiss Walker was an outspoken opponent of civil rights, voted against the Voting Rights Act, and insisted civil rights activists were worse than the Klan:
The House GOP has been riling up its base by repeatedly insisting it has the goods to get Joe Biden.
This works fine in the short term, but repeatedly overpromising and underdelivering is only going to make the base mad at them, more than anyone else.
You can see this with today's tweets from the Oversight Committee.
It's framed as a huge hit on Biden but once you read it, it's clear the "Biden FAMILY AND ASSOCIATES" framing is a load-bearing beam.
It's a showy announcement meant to suggest much more than is actually there.
But the base doesn't get that -- they're riled up and they expect action.
Action that Republican politicians can't *actually* deliver because they (or at least their very patient legal counsel) understand there's really no there there.
Any discussion of Florida's effort to replace the original AP standards for African American history with the state's own version should directly compare and contrast the two.
One thing is readily apparent from even a quick comparison between the two standards -- the claims that Florida's standards are "robust" quickly fall apart when you line them up next to the much more substantial program the AP has put together with specific sources and plans.
A lot of attention has been given to the slavery section -- which in Florida is strongly focused on discussing abolitionism while the AP standards are much more direct on the lived experiences for the enslaved -- but for me the 20th century material is more of an issue.