In response to @shifrinson, I shared the definitions of "international order" used in #ChicagoIntroIR (including my preferred definition by @SlaughterAM)
Here, I'll highlight some work specifically focused on defining international order (and why defining it is tricky)
[THREAD]
To start, here is @shifrinson's original question...
The chapter contains this table: the first column essentially defines order as a tool of US power, while the second column defines order as a way of moving beyond a "balance of power" system
If we are going to talk about different "Conceptions of Order", then we need to look at Shiping Tang's Chinese Political Science Review piece (as suggested by @Prof_BearB):
Goh (page 7) acknowledges the various aspects of order and how this can complicate our ability to define it. Nevertheless, Goh boils it down to an arrangement that sustains the primary goal of states:
Of course, that requires defining the primary goals of states. These are often at cross purposes.
Hence, what constitutes the "rules and rights" of an order may well depend on who's in charge -- i.e. the hegemon, as described well by @dhnexon in his @PrincetonUPress book:
@dhnexon writes that "The Preeminent power...establishes and enforces the `rules and rights' that govern international economic and political relations, as well as sets standards of relative prestige among states"
You'll notice that @dhnexon uses the word "govern". Mitzen, in her @UChicagoPress book, points out that one must be careful when using this term when defining order
Mitzen essentially points out that governing (through a forum, like the UNSC) is a means of achieving order
Anyhow, I could likely go on and on.
The point is that scholars have not only written a lot about "international order"; they've written a lot about DEFINING "international order" (or how it's difficult to define international order).
[END]
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Which of these two men is most responsible for World War II?
Short answer: not Churchill
Long answer: [THREAD]
To be clear, in this thread I am dealing with the onset of the war in Europe. The War in Asia was just as important and obviously connected to Europe. But that is for another thread. For now, I do highly recommend Paine's book "The Wars for Asia"
Solving the "Europe Problem" has vexed US foreign policy since the beginning.
[THREAD]
As I wrote last week, a key trait of US "grand strategy" since the founding of the Republic was "Go West" either by expanding US territory west or seeking to maintain trade with China.
Since the founding of the republic, US foreign policy has been about one thing:
Go west (and don't let Europe get in the way).
[THREAD]
I'll write more about "don't let Europe get in the way" in another 🧵. This one will focus on the "Go west" part (which will also touch on the Europe part).
One could go so far as to argue that the Republic itself was founded because of a desire to go west. Specifically, the colonials were forbidden to go west of the 1763 Proclamation line.
When you hear "Liberal International Order", just think "the G-7, for better and for worse"
[THREAD]
While some scholars and policy makers like to speak of the "Liberal International Order" as the collection of post-World War II international institutions.... cambridge.org/core/journals/…
...the phrase itself is much more recent in origins, largely a product of the mid-1990s.
As I wrote in my latest for @WPReview, shifting patterns in population growth will inevitably influence international politics. worldpoliticsreview.com/global-demogra…
This isn't a new idea. It's one found in classic works on change in world politics.