The United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world—yet our harshly punitive system isn’t making our communities safer. I've got a plan to make big, structural changes at every step of the criminal justice system: ewar.ren/CriminalJustice
The U.S. makes up 5% of the world's population, but nearly 20% of the world's prison population. And the evidence is clear that there are structural race problems in our criminal justice system. At every level, the system disadvantages or discriminates against people of color.
Let's start by reimagining how we talk about public safety. It's a false choice to suggest a tradeoff between safety and mass incarceration. Instead of putting people in prison, we should focus on services that lift people up and make our communities safer.
Investing in public safety should mean investing in good schools, safe housing, access to mental health services and treatment for addiction, protecting LGBTQ+ Americans, and violence intervention programs diverting young people from criminal activity—before police are involved.
Next, we have to rethink what we choose to criminalize. That starts with repealing the 1994 crime bill—the bulk of which needs to go—and legalizing marijuana. Overcriminalization has filled prisons and devastated communities—and it's time for it to end.
We also have to stop criminalizing poverty. As president, I will fight to end cash bail and limit excessive fines and fees. There’s no justice in imposing high, punitive financial burdens on those who are least able to bear them.
Most police officers sign up so they can protect their communities. But too many people of color have experienced trauma at the hands of law enforcement. It’s time to change how we police: funding what works, and building trust between police and the communities they serve.
Officers who violate someone's constitutional rights are often shielded from civil rights lawsuits by qualified immunity. That’s wrong—and needs to change. When an officer abuses the law, that’s bad for law enforcement, victims, and communities.
Our criminal system places enormous power in the hands of the state, and we need better checks in place to ensure that it's just: by investing in our public defenders, reining in prosecutorial abuses, and allowing those wrongfully imprisoned to challenge their conviction.
The president can grant clemency and pardons herself. I'll empower a clemency board to make recommendations directly to the White House, identifying broad classes of potentially-deserving individuals for review, such as those serving mandatory minimums that should be abolished.
As we fight to end mass incarceration, we need to ensure humane conditions for those who are imprisoned. That means meeting basic human rights standards, protecting vulnerable populations, investing in rehabilitation programs, and expanding mental health and addiction treatment.
The majority of people in prison will be returned to their communities. We should ensure that returning citizens have a chance to succeed, by reducing discrimination and promoting opportunity during reentry and eliminating needlessly punitive parole requirements.
Our system is the result of choices we’ve made—choices that together stack the deck against the poor and the disadvantaged. We can create real law and order and real justice in our country by making long overdue big, structural change.
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To everyone who is afraid of what happens next, I share your fears. But what we do next is important.
We have to learn from what happened. And then, make a plan. As we confront a second Trump presidency, here’s a path forward: 🧵
1. We have to fight every fight in Congress. We won’t always win, but we can slow or sometimes limit Trump’s destruction. With every fight, we can build political power to put more checks on his administration and build the foundation for future wins.
During the Trump years, Congress stepped up its oversight of his unprecedented corruption and abuses of power.
Imagine you’re standing in the frozen food aisle, staring at a pint of ice cream. The price tag isn’t printed on paper, like usual—now it’s a digital display. With a camera pointed right at you. 🧵
It’s now more convenient for the store to change the price—how often do they take advantage of that? Does the price surge on a hot day? By how much?
If you pick up a pint even though the price has shot up, does the facial recognition software store your demographic data and use it to estimate how willing different customers are to pay certain prices?
You know who’s cheering for J.D. Vance? Billionaires. Election deniers. And anti-abortion rights extremists. But this pick is bad news for everyone else. Here’s why:🧵
Vance thinks seniors should get by with less—he’s called Social Security & Medicare “the biggest roadblocks to any kind of real fiscal sanity.” He thinks sick people should pay more—opposing the ACA, which Trump promises to repeal. And he wants more tax breaks for billionaires.
Vance thinks everyone should get by with less EXCEPT the billionaires. He’s backing Trump as he proposes another billionaire tax break that is worth $3.5 million apiece, every year—$3.5 million a year for every billionaire.
Recently, Red Lobster declared bankruptcy, and even though it’s no laughing matter, the jokes practically wrote themselves—how could a company that offers endless shrimp NOT run out of money? But let’s look below the surface:
Red Lobster’s real downfall wasn’t endless shrimp—it was private equity’s endless greed.
You see, a private equity firm bought Red Lobster in 2014, & did their thing: looted profits, loaded Red Lobster up with debt, & saddled the restaurant chain with extra real-estate costs.
They followed a blood-sucking model that reaps rewards for private equity owners but leaves communities, workers, and customers holding the bag.
When I first ran for Senate, I talked about the student in Worcester who worked hard to get a college education but was drowning in student debt. Now, I’ve helped deliver student debt cancellation for nearly 5 million hardworking people in Massachusetts and all across America.
When I first ran for Senate, I spoke with seniors in Barnstable who couldn’t afford their medicine at the end of the month. Now, I’ve helped deliver $35 dollar/month insulin and a $2,000/year cap on prescription drugs under Medicare.
When I first ran for Senate, I spoke with construction workers in Malden who struggled to find work. Now, under President Biden’s Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, I’ve helped bring home $20 billion for projects that are rebuilding our Commonwealth and creating good union jobs.