Marijn van Putten Profile picture
Jan 24, 2020 20 tweets 7 min read Read on X
Apparently some are still under the impression that the Birmingham Fragment (Mingana 1572a + Arabe 328c) is pre-Uthmanic copy of the Quran. This is impossible, despite its strikingly early C14 dating (568-645 CE with 95.4%) it is clearly a descendant of the Uthmanic text type.
In "The Grace of God" I develop a method to show that all early manuscripts descend from a single copy of the Quran. This single copy is what we call the Uthmanic Archetype (as most likely the caliph Uthman was the one who commissioned it).
Open Access: doi.org/10.1017/S00419…
So how does this method work? Throughout the Quran, there are words that are spelled in two different ways, without any impact on the meaning. We must conclude that these spellings were up to the scribe For example niʿmat aḷḷāh "the grace of God" is spelled in two ways.
If in such idiosyncratic spellings we find time and time again that different manuscripts have the same spelling in the same place in the Quran, they must have a common ancestor.

I used niʿmat aḷḷāh for this as it occurs almost 50/50 in both spellings.
It is as if you have 10 transcripts and you want to see if they were transcribed individually or copy-pasted 10x. If in it 50 times the word "the" occurs, and 25 times it is written as "teh" and all 10 transcripts have that in the exact same places it must have been copy-pasted.
Now the Birmingham fragment is too fragmentary to use niʿmat aḷḷāh as the only idiosyncrasy to prove its belonging to the Uthmanic text type, but there are many other idiosyncrasies that can be used just as well (I suggest a few in my paper). So let's do that!
Q11:18 laʿnat aḷḷāh "the curse of God" is written with as لعنه الله, but could have been written لعنت الله too, as it is in Q3:61 and Q24:7.

As لعنه الله it is written in Q2:83, 161; Q3:87; Q7:44.
Q11:27 al-malaʾu "the elders" could be written either الملا (Q7:60, 66, 75, 88, 90, 109, 127; Q12:43; Q23:33; Q28:38; Q38:6) or الملوا (Q23:24; Q27: 29, 32, 38),
Q11:71 min warāʾi "from behind ..." could have been written either من ورا (Q33:53; Q49:4; Q59:14) or من وراى (Q42:51).
Q11:87 našāʾu could have been written either نشا or نشوا. This spelling is unique to this verse in all manuscripts. The other spelling occurs 18 times. This one occurring in this exact place is a clear smoking gun of it being Uthmanic. cf. Q21:9, Q22:5 with the regular spelling.
Q20:12 ṭuwan (before correction) is spelled طاوى. This is a highly idiosyncratic spelling that is almost certainly archetypal. We find it everywhere in early manuscripts.

See Yasin Dutton's excellent article on this variant.
brill.com/view/journals/…
Q21:37 sa-ʾurī-kum is uniquely spelled with a wāw for a short u (only other words that do that are based on the plural marker ʾul-). This is a typical idiosyncratic spelling of the Uthmanic text type.
Q22:4 tawallā-hu uniquely breaks with the Quranic orthography to write ḏawāt al-yāʾ verbs before clitics with a yāʾتوليه is expected, but manuscripts all agree on this spelling (much to my chagrin as it a counterexample against my theory of the ē in Quranic Arabic).
Remember how I said Q23:24 is typical for spelling al-malaʾu with wāw ʾalif? There it is.

So that's all the ones I was able to find with a quick search. I bet there are even more, but even with this list the conclusion is undeniable: The Birmingham fragment is Uthmanic.
So how do we reconcile that with the early dating? There are only two options:
1. Uthman didn't standardize the text, but it was someone earlier than him, and that's why pre-Uthmanic texts share an archetype with post-Uthmanic ones.
2. The carbon dating is wrong.
1. is perhaps attractive if you want to be revisionist, but probably needs more supporting evidence. Palaeography does not speak in favour of this conclusion; and you'd have to account for a whole bunch of other things that make it attractive to see Uthman as the standardizer.
2. There are good reasons to be skeptical of the Carbon dating. Alba Fedeli herself, who brought this manuscript to the spotlight is not inclined to see the manuscript as somehow pre-Uthmanic.

Sidenote: ʾibrāhīm is never spelled ابرهم in the sections retained, as is to be expected for an Uthmanic text. One would not predict the same outcome with a pre-Uthmanic text. See my new article on this discussion: doi.org/10.1017/S13561…
I hope this gives some insight into why we can say with great certainty that a manuscript is of the Uthmanic text type. Spellings are both idiosyncratic and extremely well-preserved, so we receive a direct signal from the spelling of the archetype by looking at manuscripts.
It is labour intensive work to do it in this kind of detail, but you quickly develop an eye for it. I hadn't done this explicitly before with this manuscript but I *knew* it was of the Uthmanic text type, and once I looked specifically, it turned out that intuition was right.

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More from @PhDniX

Jul 10
Ibn Ḫālawayh's (d. 380) Kitāb al-Badīʿ is an interesting book on the Qirāʾāt because it's the earliest surviving work that tries to simplify the transmissions of the readings, and does it rather differently from what becomes popular, the system of Ibn Ġalbūn the father (d. 389) Image
Ibn Ḫālawayh was Ibn Muǧāhid's student, who is widely held to be the canonizer of the seven reading traditions. Ibn Muǧāhid's book is the earliest book on the 7 reading traditions. But canon or not, Ibn Ḫālawayh's book actually describes 8 (adding Yaʿqūb).
Today the simplified system (and the only surviving one) is the "two-rawi canon". Each of the 7 readers, have two standard transmitters (all of them were once transmitter by more transmitters than those two). This system was introduced by ʾAbū al-Ṭayyib Ibn Ġalbūn in his ʾiršād. Image
Read 15 tweets
May 3
NEW PUBLICATION: "Pronominal variation in Arabic among grammarians, Qurʾānic readings traditions and manuscripts".

This article has been in publication hell for 4 years. But it was an seminal work for my current research project, and a great collaboration with Hythem Sidky.
🧵 Image
In this paper we try to describe the pronominal system used in early Islamic Classical Arabic. There is a striking amount of variation in this period, most of which does not survive into "standard classical Arabic".
We first look at the grammarians and how they describe the pronominal system.. Much of this description is already in my book (Van Putten 2022), but I assure you we wrote this way before I wrote that 🥲
Notable here is that Sībawayh prescribes minhū instead of now standard minhu. Image
Read 23 tweets
Apr 21
In my book "Quranic Arabic" I argue that if you look closely at the Quranic rasm you can deduce that the text has been composed in Hijazi Arabic (and later classicized into more mixed forms in the reading traditions). Can we identify dialects in poetry?
I think this is possible to some extent, yes. And so far this has really not been done at all. Most of the time people assume complete linguistic uniformity in the poetry, and don't really explore it further.
But there are a number of rather complex issues to contend with:
As @Quranic_Islam already identified, there are some philological problems that get in the way in poetry that aren't there for the Quran: I would not trust a hamzah being written in a written down poem. This might be classicization. So it's hard to test for this Hijazi isogloss.
Read 13 tweets
Apr 17
Last year I was asked to give a talk at the NISIS Autumn School about the textual history of the Quran. Here's a thread summarizing the points of that presentation. Specifically the presentation addresses some of Shoemaker's new objections on the Uthmanic canonization. Image
Traditionally, the third caliph ʿUṯmān is believed to have standardized the text.

However, in critical scholarship of the '70s the historicity of this view came to be questioned.

How can we really be sure that what the tradition tells us is correct?
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This skepticism wasn't wholly unwarranted at the time. The Uthmanic canonization really had been uncritically accepted, not based on any material evidence.

But we now have access to many manuscripts, beautifully digitized, we can test the historicity of these claims! Image
Read 27 tweets
Apr 13
The canonical Kufan readers Ḥamzah and al-Kisāʾī read the word ʾumm "mother" or ʾummahāt "mothers" with a kasrah whenever -ī or -i precedes, e.g.:
Q43:4 fī ʾimmi l-kitābi
Q39:6/Q53:32 fī buṭūni ʾimma/ihātikum

This seems random, but there is a general pattern here! 🧵 Image
This feature was explained al-Farrāʾ in a lengthy discussion at the start of his Maʿānī. This makes sense: al-Farrāʾ was al-Kisāʾī's student who in turn was Ḥamzah's. Surprisingly in "The Iconic Sībawayh" Brustad is under the misapprehension that this is not a canonical variant.

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This is irregular, such a vowel harmony does not occur in cases with other words that starts with ʾu-. For example, Q13:30 is just fī ʾummatin, not **fī ʾimmatin.

However this irregular reading is part of a larger pattern of vowel harmony accross guttural consonants.
Read 15 tweets
Mar 20
Those who have read my book on Quranic Arabic may have noticed that I translate The Arabic word luġah as "linguistic practice", rather than "dialect" which is how many people commonly translate it.

This is for good reason: among the Arab grammarians it did not mean dialect! 🧵 Image
In Modern Standard Arabic, luġah basically just means "language", as can be seen, e.g. on the Arabic Wikipedia page on the Dutch Language which calls it al-luġah al-hūlandiyyah.

This modern use gets projected onto the early Arab grammarians like Sībawayh and al-Farrāʾ. Image
But, they clearly do not mean that to the early grammarians. This is clear from statements like Sībawayh saying: faʿil forms that have a guttural consonant as second radical have four "luġāt": faʿil, fiʿil, faʿl and fiʿl.

In English a word or word-form cannot "have" a dialect. Image
Read 10 tweets

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