Folks, the problem is in the way we talk about #bailreform. The needed correction will never occur if advocates can say "If only he had $500, he'd be free." We need to end cash bail while allowing judges discretion to detain. /1
And we need to be honest with the public. I wrote last month that today and previously, prosecutors use bail as a *proxy* for detention/remand when they think D is a flight risk or a danger. /2 nydailynews.com/opinion/ny-ope…
We need a new paradigm: if conditions can reasonably assure a return to court, then person should be "released on bond or a bond package." No cash required. No poverty incarcerations. /3
BUT: "Any sane system of pre-trial release and detention must consider dangerousness in the calculation. Those who suddenly want to take discretion away from judges had no such compunction with respect to the new discovery reform law." /4
If the objection *really* is to "criminalizing poverty" (and not, say, to ever, ever detaining people pre-trial), then this kind of system is a viable solution to NY's impasse. /5
But I strongly urge those who want to scale back the bail reform to change the narrative: we shouldn't be looking for more offenses to be "bailable." /6
Instead, for most offenses there should be a presumption of release ROR or on reasonable conditions. Most defendants do return to court. /7
But some flee. And some victimize the public. And it's unconscionable not to allow the system discretion to try its best to make sure that doesn't happen - by detaining those as to which no conditions will ensure return/protect community. /8
I've been around too long to hold my breath, but my proposed system (essentially what's in effect in federal court) answers the concerns of both sides. Or at least the *stated* concerns. /9
Last thing I'll say is that I find it interesting that with discovery, proponents are happy to point out that most states had more open discovery than NY. But with bail, they ignore that vast majority of states *do* assess flight risk *and* dangerousness. /10
In fact, 46 states have adopted systems that peg bail to assessments of risk that include the likelihood that a defendant on pretrial release would harm the community./11 law.nyu.edu/sites/default/…
Maybe NY should give judges like the one in the article (Grasso) the discretion to do what they believe is right and not remove entire categories of cases from their discretion? /end google.com/amp/s/nypost.c…
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THREAD in response to @alegalnerd: Where to begin? Since McCarthy is a smart commentator whose work I sometimes agree with, I'll start with the positive. he's right that in the old days when he was a fed, SDNY never liked letting the DA's office take "high-profile" cases.
2/ They usually won, but not always - see eg., the CBS Murders, Tyco, BCCI, & most of the bank cases that Morgenthau started and Vance increased. He's also right that fed law generally favors prosecutors more than NYS. In other words, federal prosecutions are *easier.*
3/ That's where we part ways. On some things, he's just factually wrong: (1) NY's broad double jeopardy is not "under New York’s constitution," as @AndrewCMcCarthy says, but it is a *statute*, NY CPL 40.20
Excellent thread, which adds a twist to the question that was being asked before the indictments: will the indictments cause the Trump Org to go under, and specifically, will its lenders demand immediate repayment of loans?
2/ I’m skeptical this indictment alone, particularly bc it doesn’t encompass the company’s core activities, would lead to that result (& it’s notably not an argument the Org’s lawyers have made publicly). If they’re performing, banks like $ & wouldn’t have huge incentive. But...
3/ Eichenwald reminds us that a key debt covenant relates to accurate books and records & that’s likely in the Org’s loan agreements. First step is for lenders to ask questions - if they find false entries, which it seems likely they will, the Org could be in jeopardy.
THREAD answering some questions about the #ManhattanDA race and recent controversy and sniping over candidate fundraising and suggestions in yesterday's @nytimes that @AlvinBraggNYC & @TaliFarhadian had created issues that Trump could exploit in any future prosecution.
2/ I've already analyzed the issue of Weinstein's interview for a judgeship with the White House counsel's office during Trump's first year in office and dismissed it as a non-issue.
3/ Worth noting that two law professors, @CBHessick and @jedshug agreed in excellent threads yesterday. Shugerman disclosed that he supports Weinstein's candidacy but Hessick (thread above) is not supporting anyone (nor am I, though I've expressed views).
Thread: Those who are writing that tax *avoidance* (the term @nytimes uses) is not a crime are exactly right - tax *evasion* is a crime, not "avoidance." But there is a lot here that with a proper investigation could lead to discovery of criminality. /1 nytimes.com/interactive/20…
This article contains what federal agents and prosecutors call "predication," which is the bare amount you need to open a criminal investigation. But who would investigate? The President himself oversees @IRS_CI and @FBI and @TheJusticeDept. /2
Luckily, regulations from 20 years ago provide for what happens when such a conflict of interest exists: the Attorney General "will appoint a Special Counsel." /3
This plan to combat violence from a #ManhattanDA candidate is notable for a few reasons. First, it is incredibly substantive for a political campaign - @TaliFarhadian has clearly thought about this crucial issue. /1
Second, it's a crucial issue and she is practically the *only* candidate who has a real plan - the sole exception being @LucyLangNYC, whose website reveals a five-point plan that is also quite thoughtful. /2 votelucylang.com/en/ending-gun-…
Not surprisingly, the candidates who haven't been prosecutors don't even mention the issue on their websites. @AlvinBraggNYC, who certainly has experience, devotes only a small section of his site to the issue, focusing (good) on trafficking and community anti-violence: /3
Forgive me for being a little late to the party at the end of a long day. I worked with and under @AWeissmann_ and appeared many times before Judge Gleeson, and I think your criticism is not completely correct. /1
You're right that Barr did not monkey with the sentencing rules - the guidelines calculation was correct - he just thought the sentence was too harsh. You're also spot on that if DOJ thinks 1001 GL are harsh, then examine this across the boars, and not only for DJT's buddies. /2
But I understand what Andrew was saying bc I was taught this way as well (including by him): he's talking about guidelines calculations and the obligation of AUSAs to make sure the court and probation are not misled as to the relevant facts and relevant conduct. /3