The #Eurogroup continues to be terrifyingly behind the curve. ECCL+OMT would have been a viable strategy 10 days ago, but the @ecb announcement has changed the situation completely. Now we need a long-term solution.
1/ 10 days ago, the main worry was soaring financing costs for 🇮🇹🇵🇹🇪🇸 and others. At that stage, an ECCL-based approach would have put OMT on the table: The Eurogroup would have given the ECB the necessary political cover. But ministers failed to put such a safety net in place.
2/ Then last Wed, the ECB decided to act on its own, without political cover. This is a stunning difference to 2012 when far-reaching decisions by the leaders e.g. on banking union paved the way for "whatever it takes". The PEPP is now the Eurozone's safety net for market access.
3/ This means that the Eurogroup should not attempt to put in place a second safety net that would again rely on the ECB - and ECCL is only a credible backstop if linked to OMT. The ECB has taken care of this. Ministers should turn their attention to building long-term solutions.
4/ This could mean to build a less ECB-dependent insurance for market access to avoid overburdening the ECB and avoid possible hiccups from the Karlsruhe judgment on QE in May. But more importantly, we have to make sure that we get the appropriate fiscal response everywhere.
5/ And here, the main binding constraint is likely not financing costs now, but different debt levels. If we want an equally powerful fiscal policy answer in this crisis in all member states, the necessary debt cannot fully end up on the most vulnerable member states' books.
6/ This is a complicated task and I do not have a full solution for this yet. Many forms of Eurobonds mainly ensure market access at reasonable costs but would still increase everyone's debt levels in my reading. One way out could be a commonly-funded European stimulus package.
7/ This would be funded by jointly-guaranteed bonds, would avoid mutualising current debt stocks and would ensure that the funds could flow where they are needed. This would imply a certain amount of de-facto transfers, but these would be in everyone's interest.
8/ The situation is messy and rapidly evolving but it seems clear that the focus of ministers should no longer be on the immediate calming of markets but on building long-term solutions. The #EUCO tomorrow should give them a clear mandate to work towards this goal.
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FAZ reports that the federal president is consulting with the chancellor and the leader of the opposition on next steps if the coalition collapses.
Good moment to run you through the main options and steps that would follow if indeed it's over:
There are essentially two ways this could end. Lindner could just pull the plug. FDP ministers would resign from their posts. Or Scholz runs out of patience and asks the federal president to remove Lindner (and presumably also the other FDP ministers).
The government would have no majority in parliament anymore. But in Germany, you cannot force a chancellor or a government out of office by simple no-confidence vote. The Bundestag would need to elect another chancellor to do that. And there is no majority in sight for anyone.
Draghi hat seinen Bericht zur Wettbewerbsfähigkeit Europas vorgelegt - und natürlich konzentriert sich die Diskussion in 🇩🇪 sofort auf die Frage neue EU-Schulden ja/nein/vielleicht.
Warum das ein Fehler und dieser Bericht eine große Chance auch aus Berliner Perspektive ist:
Der Bericht ist zunächst eine ziemlich schonungslose Standortbestimmung der europäischen Wirtschaft im globalen Vergleich. Und Draghi sagt: Es sieht nicht gut aus. Als zentrale Gründe macht er fehlende Produktivität und mangelnde Innovation aus.
Außerdem nennt er die Herausforderungen durch Fachkräftemangel, hohe Energiepreise und notwendige Dekarbonisierung. Und eben die globale, teilweise unfaire, Konkurrenz. Klingt alles bekannt aus der deutschen Debatte? Eben.
The Draghi report has just dropped - and it is surprisingly good and low-bullshit.
My initial takeaways:
Such reports tend to be boring to read: Because the authors are mincing their words, because of too many cooks in the kitchen, because the "outside expert" is not really allowed to say what they want or do not know what they want to say.
The Letta report suffered from several of these ailments. The Draghi report suffers from none thereof. The man obviously knows what he wants to say and doesn't mince his words. The report is refreshingly low-bullshit, puts fingers in obvious wounds and largely avoids euphemisms.
The 🚦 agreement is actually pretty good news for a number of Eurozone files, including the fiscal rules and EDIS.
Here are the main bits:
1/ Most importantly, the text says that the fiscal rules can be "developed further" to reach three goals: Secure growth, safeguard debt sustainability and foster green investment. They should also become "simpler and more transparent, also to strengthen implementation".
2/ This is pretty big. No red lines here, but an open and constructive opening position for negotiations that can very well include a change to the rules themselves. It will be now up to the Commission and other member states to take up the offer that is in that text.
Das @_FriedrichMerz-Interview im @handelsblatt ist beeindruckendes Anschauungsmaterial, wie sich ein Teil der Konservativen im europapolitischen Wald verirrt hat und jetzt nicht mehr herausfindet.
Warum das ein Problem ist:
1/ Es geht mit dem klassischen Motiv los, dass man höllisch aufpassen muss, den faulen Südeuropäern (hier stv 🇮🇹🇪🇸) nicht ihr Hallodritum zu finanzieren. Dass gerade diese Länder die ambitioniertesten Pläne zur Verwendung der EU-Gelder vorgelegt haben, bleibt natürlich unerwähnt.
2/ Es geht dann weiter zu den Schuldenregeln. Hier räumt auch Merz ein, dass die Einhaltung für viele Länder schwierig wird. Und dann wird es spannend: Er drückt sich extrem wortreich um eine Antwort herum, ob man die Regeln denn nun wirklich so einhalten sollte.
Commissioner @PaoloGentiloni announces in @SZ that the Commission will only present its proposal for fiscal rules reform once there is a consensus among eurozone countries. Here's why this is a wise approach and why we are still far away from that point: sueddeutsche.de/wirtschaft/eu-…
1/ A weird feeling has grown in recent months that an expenditure rule is the way to go to reform the SGP and that what we basically need now is a Commission proposal that the technocrats then can tweak so that everyone is happy. Everyone is now waiting for that proposal.
2/ In my view, this feeling is a trap and the Commission is now trying to avoid falling into this trap by basically asking member states to come to a consensus what they want before puttting out a proposal.